993 resultados para American communist movement


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The starting point of this thesis was a desire to explain the rapid demise in the popularity which the Communist Party enjoyed in Queensland during the second world war. Wartime Queensland gave the Australian Communist Party its highest state vote and six years later Queensland again gave the Communist Party its highest state vote - this time however, to ban the Party. From this I was led into exploring the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party, as well as the many sub-groups on its periphery, and the shifts in public response to these. In 1939 Townsville elected Australia's first Communist alderman. Five years later, Bowen elected not only Australia's first but also the British Empire's first, Communist state government member. Of the five electorates the Australian Communist Party contested in the 1944 Queensland State elections, in none did the Party's candidate receive less than twenty per-cent of the formal vote. Not only was the Party seemingly enjoying considerable popular support but this was occurring in a State which, but for the Depression years (May 1929 - June 1932) had elected a Labor State Government at every state election since 1915. In the September 1951 Constitution Alteration Referendum, 'Powers To Deal With Communists and Communism', Queensland regist¬ered the nation's highest "Yes" majority - 55.76% of the valid vote. Only two other states registered a majority in favour of the referendum's proposals, Western Australia and Tasmania. As this research was undertaken it became evident that while various trends exhibited at the time, anti-Communism, the work of the Industrial Groups, Labor opportunism, local area feelings, ideological shifts of the Party, tactics of Communist-led unions, etc., were present throughout the entire period, they were best seen when divided into three chronological phases of the Party's history and popularity. The first period covers the consolidation of the Party's post-Depression popularity during the war years as it benefited from the Soviet Union's colossal contribution to the Allied war efforts, and this support continued for some six months or so after the war. Throughout the period Communist strength within the trade union movement greatly increased as did total Party membership. The second period was marked by a rapid series of events starting in March 1946, with Winston Churchill's "Official Opening" of the Cold War by his sweeping attack on Communism and Russia, at Fulton. Several days later the first of a series of long and bitter strikes in Communist-led unions occurred, as the Party mobil¬ized for what it believed would be a series of attacks on the working class from a ruling class, defending a capitalist system on the verge of an economic collapse. It was a period when the Party believed this ruling class was using Labor reformism as a last desperate 'carrot' to get workers to accept their lot within a capitalist economic framework. Out of the Meat Strike emerged the Industrial Groups, who waged not only a determined war against Communist trade union leadership but also encouraged the A.W.U.-influenced State Labor apparatus to even greater anti-Communist antagonisms. The Communist Party's increasing militancy and Labor's resistance to it, ended finally in the collapse of the Chifley Labor government. Characteristically the third period opens with the Communist Party making an another about-face, desperately trying to form an alliance with the Labor Party and curbing its former adventurist industrial policy, as it prepared for Menzies' direct assault. The Communist Party's activities were greatly reduced, a function of both a declining member-ship and, furthermore, a membership reluctant to confront an increasingly hostile society. In examining the changing policies, beliefs and strategies of the Party and the shifts in public response to these, I have tried to distinguish between general trends occurring within Australia and the national party, and trends peculiar to Queensland and the Queensland branch of the Party, The Communist Party suffered a decline in support and membership right across Australia throughout this period as a result of the national policies of the Party, and the changing nature of world politics. There were particular features of this decline that were peculiar to Queensland. I have, however, singled out three features of particular importance throughout the period for a short but more specifically detailed analysis, than would be possible in a purely chronological study: i.e. the Party's structure, the Party's ideological subservience to Moscow, and the general effect upon it of the Cold War.

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Background and Purpose. Activity of the trunk muscles is essential for maintaining stability of the lumbar spine because of the unstable structure of that portion of the spine. A model involving evaluation of the response of the lumbar multifidus and abdominal muscles to leg movement was developed to evaluate this function. Subjects. To examine this function in healthy persons, 9 male and 6 female subjects (mean age = 20.6 years, SD = 2.3) with no history of low back pain were studied. Methods. Fine-wire and surface electromyography electrodes were used to record the activity of selected trunk muscles and the prime movers for hip flexion, abduction, and extension during hip movements in each of these directions. Results. Trunk muscle activity occurring prior to activity of the prime mover of the limb was associated with hip movement in each direction. The transversus abdominis (TrA) muscle was invariably the first muscle that was active. Although reaction time for the TrA and oblique abdominal muscles was consistent across movement directions, reaction time for the rectus abdominis and multifidus muscles varied with the direction of limb movement. Conclusion and Discussion. Results suggest that the central nervous st stem deals with stabilization of the spine by contraction of the abdominal and multifidus muscles in anticipation of reactive forces produced by limb movement. The TrA and oblique abdominal muscles appear to contribute to a function not related to the direction of these forces.

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This paper reexamines the potential impact of the English-only movement on linguistic minorities and Anglos' perceptions of their own and minority groups' language vitality. Of particular interest is the Hispanic population-the fastest growing minority in the U.S. Communication scholars have paid only scant attention to the English-only movement and how it affects the social and communication climate for Latinos. However, literature reviews prepared for the American Psychological Association and for the Teachers of English to Speakers of Other Languages (in 1991 and 1995, respectively) concluded that English-only initiatives have negative consequences for limited-English proficiency groups. Revisiting this still-growing issue in the light of more recent studies across disciplines and media reports, we examine how Anglo support for English-only policies limits the use, promotion, and salience of minority languages like Spanish in institutional settings and in the linguistic landscape and suggest directions for future research.

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American cutaneous leishmaniasis (ACL) occurs in epidemic outbreaks and in sporadic cases with small annual variation in the Pontal of Paranapanema, SP. There is little research on the sandfly fauna of this region. The last outbreaks were related to the Movement of the Landless Workers (MST) and with the ecological tourism in preserved forest of the Parque Estadual do Morro do Diabo (PEMD). AIM: identification of the sandfly fauna within the PEMD, mainly anthropophilic species already incriminated as vectors of ACL, as well as their seasonality, hourly frequency and data of the behavior. M&M: The captures were undertaken with CDC light and Shannon traps from 6:00 pm to 10:00 pm, monthly from May 2000 to December 2001. The temperature and relative humidity data were registered at hourly intervals. RESULTS: The captured species were: Brumptomyia brumpti, Nyssomyia neivai, Nyssomyia whitmani, Pintomyia fischeri and Pintomyia pessoai. The P. pessoai predominated (34.39%) and N. neivai was less found (0.74%), only being captured in CDC traps. Shannon trap captured more sandflies (63.01%) than the CDC traps (36.99%). Despite the environmental degradation anthropophilic species, indicates favorable bioecological conditions for persistence of vectors and potential transmission of leishmaniasis.

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The extracellular pectic matrix is a rich source of oligogalacturonic acid (OGA), one of the most abundant polymeric regulatory molecules on the earth's surface. OGAs regulate the expression of a variety of defense genes and have also been implicated in developmental processes. Little is known about how cells perceive OGAs and we have been attempting to characterise proteins capable of interacting with these molecules. We recently succeeded in cloning a cDNA encoding a small OGA-binding protein, remorin. OGA-binding to remorin is not highly specific, the protein binds homogalacturonides, complex pectic polymers and the animal polyuronide heparin. This lack of specificity contrasts with that often observed with classical receptors and the function of remorin remains to be discovered. Remorin copurifies with the plasma membrane but is a very hydrophilic polypeptide. Its behavior during cell fractionation, as well as a number of properties including the OGA-stimulated in vitro phosphorylation and preliminary localization studies, all suggest parallels with some viral movement proteins. Some of these comparisons will be presented. Experiments to directly test for the possible role of this protein in cell-to-cell signalling are in progress. EEF is supported by FNRS grant 31-3672-92.

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This study assessed ontogenetic dietary changes in male South American fur seals Arctocephalus australis in northern and central Patagonia (Argentina) using stable isotope ratios (δ15 N and δ13 C) in vibrissae and bones. Sucking pups were characterised by higher δ15 N values and lower δ13 C values than older specimens. Weaning was associated with a marked drop of δ15 N values, both in bone and vibrissae. Such a drop was inconsistent with the consumption of local prey and may reveal movement to distant foraging grounds or physiological changes associated with either fasting or rapid growth. Stable isotope ratios indicated that juveniles fed more pelagically than subadults and adults, but that there were no major differences between the 2 latter age categories. As subadults and adults are rather similar in body mass and are much larger than juveniles, body mass may play a role in the ontogenetic dietary changes reported. Nevertheless, demersal benthic prey were always scarce in the diet of male fur seals, which relied primarily on Argentine shortfin squid and small pelagic fish throughout life, though adults also consumed large amounts of decapod crustaceans available at shallow depths. Vibrissae did not reveal regular oscillations of δ15 N or δ13 C, except in 1 individual. Thus, male fur seals from northern and central Patagonia do not appear to migrate regularly between isotopically distinct areas, although nomadic displacements cannot be ruled out.

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The National Seaman’s Association was a labour recruiter hiding behind a union-like name. It was run by H.N. McMaster who collected fees from companies and dues from workers. With McMaster in charge, shipping interests could claim that their seamen had a union, but ship-owners were free to push their vessels and their workers to the breaking point. In 1935, the members on the Great Lakes decided to strike. One year later, they created their own union and amalgamated with a Montreal-based independent body to create the Canadian Seamen’s Union headed by a ship’s cook who became a union leader, John Allan Patrick “Pat” Sullivan. By the late 1940s, almost all sailors on Canadian ships were CSU members. Right from its inception in 1936, Communists were prominent among the leaders of the union. Sullivan had been recruited to the Communist party that year and the union had a close rapport with the party. On June 8, 1940, Pat Sullivan was arrested because of his affiliation with the Communist party. He was incarcerated until March 20, 1942. No charges were laid, no bail was set and there was no trial. After his release, Sullivan was elected second vice-president of the Trades and Labour Congress of Canada. In 1943, Percy Bengough was elected as president and Sullivan was elected as secretary treasurer of the TLC while maintaining his role as president of the CSU. On March 14, 1947 Sullivan made a shocking announcement that he was resigning from the CSU and the Labor-Progressive Party. He claimed that the CSU was under the full control of the Communists. Within a month of this announcement, he emerged as the president of the Canadian Lake Seamen’s Union. Ship-owners never really reconciled themselves to having their industry unionized, and in 1946 there was a seamen’s strike in which the union won the eight-hour day. In 1949, the shipping companies had a plan to get rid of the union and were negotiating behind their back with the Seafarers International Union (SIU). In a brutal confrontation, led by Hal Banks, an American ex-convict, the SIU was able to roust the CSU and take over the bargaining rights of Canadian seamen. On July 15, 1948, Robert Lindsay, who was Sullivan’s Welland business agent said that to the best of his knowledge, Sullivan’s outfit, the CLSU, was under the control of some of the Steamship Companies. Lindsay had heard that there was a movement to get rid of Bengough of the Trades and Labour Congress as well as elements of the CSU. He also had heard that the CLSU wanted to affiliate with the American Federation of Labor. Lindsay’s allegations raised the questions: Were the ship-owners powerful enough to oust Percy Bengough because he supported the seamen? Could the CLSU get an affiliation with the American Federation of Labor? and Would the American Federation of Labor actually affiliate with a union that was siding with employers against a locked-out union?

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Consistent with a negativity bias account, neuroscientific and behavioral evidence demonstrates modulation of even early sensory processes by unpleasant, potentially threat-relevant information. The aim of this research is to assess the extent to which pleasant and unpleasant visual stimuli presented extrafoveally capture attention and impact eye movement control. We report an experiment examining deviations in saccade metrics in the presence of emotional image distractors that are close to a nonemotional target. We additionally manipulate the saccade latency to test when the emotional distractor has its biggest impact on oculomotor control. The results demonstrate that saccade landing position was pulled toward unpleasant distractors, and that this pull was due to the quick saccade responses. Overall, these findings support a negativity bias account of early attentional control and call for the need to consider the time course of motivated attention when affect is implicit

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Ecological studies of movements in animals require extensive knowledge of direction, distance and frequency of movements. The purpose of this study was to describe the daily and seasonal movements in a population of the South American rattlesnake, Crotalus durissus. The study population inhabits a cerrado area in southeastern Brazil. Snakes were tracked with externally attached radio-transmitters and thread bobbins. Larger animals tended to make more extensive daily movements, moving further from the initial site of capture. There were no differences in average daily movements between sexes. Site fidelity was higher in the dry season for both sexes. Both sexes moved distances twice as long as those calculated by drawing a straight line between consecutive points. The movement pattern of C. durissus seemed to be similar to that observed in other tropical pit vipers, such as species of the genus Bothrops.

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The purpose of this study was to evaluate histologically, in dogs, the periodontal healing of 1-walled intraosseous defects in teeth that were subjected to orthodontic movement toward the defects. The defects were surgically created bilaterally at the mesial aspects of the maxillary second premolars and distal aspects of the mandibular second premolars of 4 mongrel dogs. One week after creating the defects, an orthodontic appliance was installed, and the teeth were randomly assigned to 1 of 2 treatment groups: those in the test group received a titanium-molybdenum alloy rectangular wire spring that performed a controlled tipping root movement, and those in the control group received a passive stainless steel wire. Active orthodontic movement of the test teeth lasted 2 months and was followed by a stabilization period of another 2 months, after which the animals were killed. Throughout the study, routine daily plaque control was performed on the dogs with a topical application of a 2% chlorhexicline gel. The results showed no difference between the groups, with some regularization of the defects and periodontal regeneration limited to the apical portion of the defects. Histometric analysis showed a significant difference in bone height; on average, it was 0.53 mm smaller in the test group. It was concluded that orthodontic movement does not interfere with the healing of 1-walled intraosseous defects, with the exception of the linear extent of new bone apposition.

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Comparison of the histories of three leading peasant organizations in the Pontal do Paranapanema region of Brazil-the Partido Comunista do Brasil (PCB) from 1945 to 1964, the Confederacao Nacional de Trabalhadores na Agricultura (CONTAG) from 1964 to 1984, and the Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem-Terra (MST) from 1984 to 2004-suggests that continuity is as important as change in understanding Brazilian peasant movements. The MST has been considered a "new social movement" in that it has eschewed partisan politics, incorporated families as members rather than just male heads of household, had a national scope and a participatory decision-making structure, and been attuned to the international struggle over globalization. Placing it in historical perspective makes it clear, however, that this is not the first time that militants have organized around the concept of peasants as a political identity; that while the representation of peasants in the leadership of contemporary rural labor organizations may be greater than in the past, earlier peasant leaders also struggled on behalf of their class; that earlier peasant organizations had, if not a national presence, a substantial presence in the agricultural states of the time; and that attempts at international organization to unite peasant struggles around the globe are not entirely new. This is not to deny the innovative features of contemporary movements but to suggest that the investigation of past achievements will contribute to a fuller appreciation of these movements' conditions and prospects.