926 resultados para État-nation


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G?l, A. (2005). Imagining the Turkish nation through 'othering' Armenians. Nations and Nationalism. 11(1), 121-139 RAE2008

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Medhurst, J. (2004). 'You say a minority, sir, we say a nation': The Pilkington Committee on Broadcasting (1960-62) and Wales. Welsh History Review. 22(2), pp.109-136. RAE2008

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Barlow, D.; O'Malley, T.; and Mitchell, P. (2005). The Media in Wales: Voices of a Small Nation. Cardiff: University of Wales Press. RAE2008

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Poszukiwanie uniwersalnej definicji bezpieczeństwa Polski w niestabilnym systemie Unii Europejskiej opiera się głównie na odnalezieniu się w roli gracza i aktora, który jako samodzielny podmiot bierze aktywny udział w wielowymiarowym unijnym systemie negocjacji i przetargów (brokering between different interests). Polska musi mieć przygotowany swój program działania w UE o charakterze strategicznym i taktycznym włączając w niego państwo-centryczne priorytety horyzontalne i sektorowe, zarówno antykryzysowe jak i antagonistyczne i dysfunkcjonalne. Wymaga to perfekcyjnego przygotowania wykształconego zespołu ludzi zajmujących się bezpieczeństwem. Konieczne są bardzo wysokie umiejętności organizacyjne i wysoki stopień znajomości sposobu funkcjonowania państw w relacjach do całości i poszczególnych elementów UE. Wszystko to sprowadza się do konieczności wypracowywania specyficznego modus operandi polskiego bezpieczeństwa, na który poza znanymi już regułami i procedurami składa się ich interwencyjne zaplecze instytucjonalno-administracyjne oraz logistyczno-techniczne. Polska musi też posiąść zdolność do adaptacji do otaczającego świata (Europy) poprzez poszerzanie bazy funkcjonowania systemu integracyjnego. Wiąże się to bezpośrednio z dostosowywaniem do permanentnej zmiany w Unii Europejskiej i globalnym otoczeniu. Adaptacja jest również istotna z punktu widzenia potrzeby stabilizowania systemu. Pozwala neutralizować wszelkie próby zakłóceń funkcjonalnych jej struktury, pozycji i zbioru kompetencji. Adaptację powinna uzupełniać realistyczna innowacyjność i misyjność Polski widoczna przez wprowadzanie do środowiska (otoczenia) nowych reguł i mechanizmów bezpieczeństwa. Innowacyjność wiąże się z inicjowaniem nowego stylu/sposobu myślenia o bezpieczeństwie, a w związku z tym z nowatorstwem w zakresie wielopoziomowego (wieloprzestrzennego) ujmowania bezpieczeństwa. Na tak rozumiane bezpieczeństwo państwa składa się nie tylko zdolność obronna (militarna), ale także siła gospodarki oraz zasoby, którym Polska powinna dysponować. Misyjność sprowadza się natomiast do promowania i propagowania wartości przypisanych państwu narodowemu - niezapisanych w unijnych traktatach takich jak potęga, racja stanu i niepodległość.

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This thesis examines important issues of Irish vernacular Catholicism, Irish religious and cultural identities, the impacts of modernity plus socio-religious and economic change on traditional religiosity, sacred landscape and topophilia, religious material culture, folk and individual creativity, gender roles and expectations, and devotional subcultures through the vehicle of Marian apparitions and their aftermath in the Republic of Ireland in the late 20th and early 21st centuries. This thesis examines in detail five Irish Marian shrines as case studies; Knock shrine (Co. Mayo), Ballinspittle and Mitchelstown grottoes (Co. Cork), Mount Melleray grotto (Co. Waterford) and the Marian shrines of Inchigeela in West Cork and the attached houses of prayer. Key themes include; vernacular religious theory; the nature of Irish indigenous Catholicism; local, global and transnational trends in contemporary Irish devotional life; areas of individual creativity, fluidity and agency in Marian devotion; and the vital role and influence of material culture in and on local and individual religiosity.

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This study, "Civil Rights on the Cell Block: Race, Reform, and Violence in Texas Prisons and the Nation, 1945-1990," offers a new perspective on the historical origins of the modern prison industrial complex, sexual violence in working-class culture, and the ways in which race shaped the prison experience. This study joins new scholarship that reperiodizes the Civil Rights era while also considering how violence and radicalism shaped the civil rights struggle. It places the criminal justice system at the heart of both an older racial order and within a prison-made civil rights movement that confronted the prison's power to deny citizenship and enforce racial hierarchies. By charting the trajectory of the civil rights movement in Texas prisons, my dissertation demonstrates how the internal struggle over rehabilitation and punishment shaped civil rights, racial formation, and the political contest between liberalism and conservatism. This dissertation offers a close case study of Texas, where the state prison system emerged as a national model for penal management. The dissertation begins with a hopeful story of reform marked by an apparently successful effort by the State of Texas to replace its notorious 1940s plantation/prison farm system with an efficient, business-oriented agricultural enterprise system. When this new system was fully operational in the 1960s, Texas garnered plaudits as a pioneering, modern, efficient, and business oriented Sun Belt state. But this reputation of competence and efficiency obfuscated the reality of a brutal system of internal prison management in which inmates acted as guards, employing coercive means to maintain control over the prisoner population. The inmates whom the prison system placed in charge also ran an internal prison economy in which money, food, human beings, reputations, favors, and sex all became commodities to be bought and sold. I analyze both how the Texas prison system managed to maintain its high external reputation for so long in the face of the internal reality and how that reputation collapsed when inmates, inspired by the Civil Rights Movement, revolted. My dissertation shows that this inmate Civil Rights rebellion was a success in forcing an end to the existing system but a failure in its attempts to make conditions in Texas prisons more humane. The new Texas prison regime, I conclude, utilized paramilitary practices, privatized prisons, and gang-related warfare to establish a new system that focused much more on law and order in the prisons than on the legal and human rights of prisoners. Placing the inmates and their struggle at the heart of the national debate over rights and "law and order" politics reveals an inter-racial social justice movement that asked the courts to reconsider how the state punished those who committed a crime while also reminding the public of the inmates' humanity and their constitutional rights.

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A growing number of consumers are choosing to wear sporting merchandise, from an‘other’ nation – whom they have no geographic or ethnic affiliation with. In addition, nation sports branding appears to have scaled pandemic heights; by reaching fever pitch, when actively carrying its message across boarders. Consumer preferences are being driven past simple behavioural characteristics; towards more transient psychographic and emotional constructs. In short, nation branded sporting uniform is no longer viewed as demanding restrictivemonogamous loyalty. Ownership of a uniform largely suggests exclusivity and encouraged competition. However, manufactures, national teams, athletes and sponsors are entering symbiotic brand relationships - where they are actively seeking publics, open to multiple adopted nationalities. This phenomenon draws consumers towards embracing temporal national identities, which are converted into an over-arching cross-border identity; ultimately gifting sports brands more significance. The following paper explores consumers’ entry into relationships with another nation, in preference to their own - in manner that has been likened to a form of surrogacy; by the authors. The aim is to stimulate further thinking in a field; which transcends national and cultural boundaries - in the interests of developing new insight, and to provide a platform for marketers to develop more effective communications.

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Through the examination of Camões's Os Lusíadas , Sena's Os Grão-Capitães and Saramago's A Jangada de Pedra , this article explores violence as a means of shaping Portuguese identity in different historical contexts, and how these works portray the continued recourse to violence as Portugal moves from colonizing to postcolonial nation.

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Abortion politics are contentious and divisive in many parts of the world, but nowhere more so than in Ireland. Abortion and Nation examines the connection between abortion politics and hegemonic struggles over national identity and the nation-state in the Irish Republic. Situating the abortion question in the global context of human rights politics, as well as international social movements, Lisa Smyth analyses the formation and transformation of abortion politics in Ireland from the early 1980s to the present day. She considers whether or not the shifting connections between morality, rights and nationhood promise a new era of gender equality in the context of nation-state citizenship.
The book provides a new sociological framework through which the significance of conflict over abortion and reproductive freedom is connected to conflict over national identity. It also offers a distinctive in-depth consideration of the connection between gender and nationhood, particularly in terms of its impact on women's status as citizens; within the nation-state; within the European Union; and as members of a global civil society.