856 resultados para War in art


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Understanding the true nature of the relations between France and the United States is central to an understanding of the diplomatic crisis that broke out between them in 2003 over the War in Iraq. An analysis of the political cultures of France and the US offers considerable explanatory power to this dramatic diplomatic dispute. The inordinately emotional aspects of the Franco-US arguments of 2003 mask the fact that the two countries understand each other little. In the French case, its self-view and related diplomatic comportment in the twentieth century was informed by its relationship to Germany; and from it a range of cultural characteristics emerged, among them: vulnerability, self-regard, a romanticized view of itself, and the personalization of national identity. At the moment France’s response to its cultural heritage was beginning to shift to a different (post-Gaullist) paradigm, the dispute with the US erupted.

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Administrative reform is a challenging endeavor for both developed and developing countries alike. For developing countries, the challenge is greater because numerous reforms are implemented concurrently sometimes under conditions of resource scarcity and political instability. So far there is no consensus as to what makes some reforms succeed and others fail. The current study seeks to fill that gap by offering an empirical comparative analysis of the administrative reforms initiated in Uganda and Tanzania since the early 1990s. The purpose of the study is to explain the similarities and differences, and give reasons for the successes and failures of the reform programs in the two countries. It focuses on four major areas; the size of the civil service, pay reform, capacity building, and ethics and accountability. Data were collected via in-depth face to face interviews with 35 key government officials and the content analysis of various documents. The results indicate that the reforms generated initial substantial reduction in the size of the public services in both countries. In Uganda, the traditional civil service was reduced from 140,500 in 1990 to 41,730 in 2004; while in Tanzania Ministries, Departments, and Agencies were reduced by 25%. Pay reform has generated substantial increases in civil servants' salaries in both countries but in Uganda, the government has not been able to abide by the pay strategy while in Tanzania the strategy guides the increments. Civil Service capacity building efforts have focused on enhancing the skills of the personnel. Training needs assessments were undertaken in all ministries in Uganda and a training policy was formulated. In Tanzania, the training needs assessments are still under way and a training policy has not yet been developed. Ethics and accountability are great challenges in both countries, but in Tanzania, there is more political will and commitment to improve the integrity of the civil service. The findings reveal that although Uganda started the reform with much more rigor and initial success, Tanzania has surpassed it and has a more stable, consistent, and promising reform record. This is because Uganda's leadership lacks political legitimacy. The country has since the late 1990s experienced a civil war in the northern and western parts of the country while Tanzania has benefitted from relative peace and high level political legitimacy.

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Since the end of the Cold War, Japan's defense policy and politics has gone through significant changes. Throughout the post cold war period, US-Japan alliance managers, politicians with differing visions and preferences, scholars, think tanks, and the actions of foreign governments have all played significant roles in influencing these changes. Along with these actors, the Japanese prime minister has played an important, if sometimes subtle, role in the realm of defense policy and politics. Japanese prime ministers, though significantly weaker than many heads of state, nevertheless play an important role in policy by empowering different actors (bureaucratic actors, independent commissions, or civil actors), through personal diplomacy, through agenda-setting, and through symbolic acts of state. The power of the prime minister to influence policy processes, however, has frequently varied by prime minister. My dissertation investigates how different political strategies and entrepreneurial insights by the prime minister have influenced defense policy and politics since the end of the Cold War. In addition, it seeks to explain how the quality of political strategy and entrepreneurial insight employed by different prime ministers was important in the success of different approaches to defense. My dissertation employs a comparative case study approach to examine how different prime ministerial strategies have mattered in the realm of Japanese defense policy and politics. Three prime ministers have been chosen: Prime Minister Hashimoto Ryutaro (1996-1998); Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006); and Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009-2010). These prime ministers have been chosen to provide maximum contrast on issues of policy preference, cabinet management, choice of partners, and overall strategy. As my dissertation finds, the quality of political strategy has been an important aspect of Japan's defense transformation. Successful strategies have frequently used the knowledge and accumulated personal networks of bureaucrats, supplemented bureaucratic initiatives with top-down personal diplomacy, and used a revitalized US-Japan strategic relationship as a political resource for a stronger prime ministership. Though alternative approaches, such as those that have looked to displace the influence of bureaucrats and the US in defense policy, have been less successful, this dissertation also finds theoretical evidence that alternatives may exist.

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Studies indicate that overweight and obesity protect against HIV-disease progression in antiretroviral therapy (ART)-naïve patients. We examined retrospectively the relationship of overweight/obesity with HIV-disease progression in ART-naïve HIV+ adults in Botswana in a case-control study with 18-month follow-up, which included 217 participants, 139 with BMI 18.0-24.9 kg/m2 and 78 with BMI ≥25 kg/m2. Archived plasma samples were used to determine inflammatory markers: leptin and bacterial endotoxin lipopolysaccharide (LPS), and genotype single nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) of the Fat Mass and Obesity Associated Gene (FTO). At baseline, BMI was inversely associated with risk for AIDS-defining conditions (HR=0.218; 95%CI=0.068, 0.701, P=0.011), and higher fat mass was associated with reduced risk of the combined outcome of CD4+cell count ≤250/µL and AIDS-defining conditions, whichever occurred earlier (HR=0.918; 95%CI=0.847, 0.994, P=0.036) over 18 months, adjusting for age, gender, marriage, children, and baseline CD4+cell count and HIV-viral load. FTO-SNP rs17817449 was associated with BMI (OR=1.082; 95%CI=1.001, 1.169; P=0.047). Fat mass was associated with the risk alleles of rs1121980 (OR=1.065; 95%CI=1.009, 1.125, P=0.021), rs8050136 (OR=1.078; 95%CI=1.021, 1.140; P=0.007), and rs17817449 (OR=1.086; 95%CI=1.031, 1.145; P=0.002), controlling for age, gender, tribe, total energy intake, and activity. There were no associations of SNPs with markers of disease progression. Leptin levels were positively associated with BMI (β=1.764; 95%CI=0.788, 2.739; P=0.022) and fat mass (β=0.112; 95%CI=0.090, 0.135; P<0.001), but inversely with viral load (β=-0.305; 95%CI=-0.579, -.031; P=0.030). LPS levels were inversely associated with BMI (OR=0.790, 95%CI=0.630, 0.990; P=0.041), and fat mass (OR=0.852, 95%CI=0.757, 0.958; P=0.007) and directly with viral load (OR=2.608, 95%CI=1.111, 6.124; P=0.028), adjusting for age, gender, smoking and %fat mass. In this cohort, overweight/obesity predicted slower HIV-disease progression. Obesity may confer an advantage in maintaining fat stores to support the overactive immune system. FTO-SNPs may contribute to the variation in fat mass; however, they were not associated with HIV-disease progression. Our findings suggest that the obesity paradox may be explained by the association of increased LPS with lower BMI and higher viral load; while viral load decreased with increasing leptin levels. Studies in African populations are needed to clarify whether genetic variation and inflammation mediate the obesity paradox in HIV-disease progression.

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LOVE COMES IN AT THE EYE relates the story of Marshall Craig, a Midwesterner transplanted to South Florida who turns 35 in the course of the book. Marshall is an assistant curator for a Miami art museum, a man who has been obsessed with--as he calls it--a greed for seeing from a young age. His fascination with the surface of appearance of things is exacerbated by his precocious studies in art and its histories. Marshall views himself as marked by his red hair and freckled skin, as someone whose chances of attracting a partner into a meaningful relationship have been diminished by his looks. He is colored by his image of himself as unattractive and most importantly, convinced that his romantic life would be more successful, more vibrant, if he'd been graced with the face and figure of, say, a Velazquez. When Marshall meets a Cuban-born man from Atlanta, he is transfixed by the conviction that this is the man the universe has selected for him. The thrust of the story goes beyond boy-meets/loses/gets-boy to an exploration of said boy coming to terms with his definition of self. In a pivotal span of six months, the book explores Marshall's obsessions with seeing and how they define his vision of reality, the emphasis placed on beauty in gay culture, the tentative beginnings of a relationship as it takes root and grows, and finally, the inexplicable, magical forces that direct our romantic destinies.

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The general objective of this research is to clarify and discuss the original contribution of Martin Heidegger's philosophical reflection on the essence of modern technique. For this purpose, it was structured the interpretative course of this dissertation in two essential moments. At first, we present Heidegger's interpretation of the essence of the modern age which, in turn, will be recognized from the metaphysical foundation that establishes the essence of modern science: the subjectivity that represents, calculates, manages and produces the real. We will see which, in this context, modern science was still thought close to the modern technology, what will change considerably from the writings of the post-war, in which Heidegger thinks modern science from a much broader and essential process in that the essence of the technique has already been unfolding. Thus, in a second moment, we will analyze how, for Heidegger, the modern metaphysics of subjectivity reached its completion at the time of modern art from the principle of control and planning of entities in general (Gestell), revealing the nontechnical sense of the technique (beyond the anthropological, humanistic and instrumental view) as well as the threatening character of modern technique in its conversion project of the entity from the reserve fund (Bestand).

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While Italian art of the twentieth century is usually associated with either the avant-garde practices of Futurism or the classicism of Fascist visual culture, the Italian modernists' complex engagement with concepts of the ‘Baroque’ has yet to be explored. Through an extensive analysis of paintings, sculptures, publications, collecting practices, and exhibitions, my dissertation addresses this lacuna by investigating how the Baroque was discursively constructed and visually represented in Italian modernist artistic and cultural debates between 1880 and 1945. I study how artists and critics such as Umberto Boccioni, Giorgio De Chirico, Adolfo Wildt, Lucio Fontana, and Roberto Longhi championed or disparaged the Baroque in the context of heated debates over the import of Italy’s rich cultural heritage, its status in modern Europe, and the potential role of avant-garde art as a catalyst for national regeneration. In contrast to previous scholars I argue that the development of modern art in Italy was actively shaped by cultural perceptions about the Baroque. My dissertation therefore sheds new light on the role of style in the cultural politics of Italy, which in turn will transform our understanding of visual culture in modern Italy, and of twentieth-century representations of the Baroque in art, literature, and aesthetics.

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Administrative reform is a challenging endeavor for both developed and developing countries alike. For developing countries, the challenge is greater because numerous reforms are implemented concurrently sometimes under conditions of resource scarcity and political instability. So far there is no consensus as to what makes some reforms succeed and others fail. The current study seeks to fill that gap by offering an empirical comparative analysis of the administrative reforms initiated in Uganda and Tanzania since the early 1990s. The purpose of the study is to explain the similarities and differences, and give reasons for the successes and failures of the reform programs in the two countries. It focuses on four major areas; the size of the civil service, pay reform, capacity building, and ethics and accountability. Data were collected via in-depth face to face interviews with 35 key government officials and the content analysis of various documents. The results indicate that the reforms generated initial substantial reduction in the size of the public services in both countries. In Uganda, the traditional civil service was reduced from 140,500 in 1990 to 41,730 in 2004; while in Tanzania Ministries, Departments, and Agencies were reduced by 25%. Pay reform has generated substantial increases in civil servants’ salaries in both countries but in Uganda, the government has not been able to abide by the pay strategy while in Tanzania the strategy guides the increments. Civil Service capacity building efforts have focused on enhancing the skills of the personnel. Training needs assessments were undertaken in all ministries in Uganda and a training policy was formulated. In Tanzania, the training needs assessments are still under way and a training policy has not yet been developed. Ethics and accountability are great challenges in both countries, but in Tanzania, there is more political will and commitment to improve the integrity of the civil service. The findings reveal that although Uganda started the reform with much more rigor and initial success, Tanzania has surpassed it and has a more stable, consistent, and promising reform record. This is because Uganda’s leadership lacks political legitimacy. The country has since the late 1990s experienced a civil war in the northern and western parts of the country while Tanzania has benefitted from relative peace and high level political legitimacy.

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This paper discusses the Court’s reasoning in interpreting the EU Charter, using recent case law on horizontal effect as a case study. It identifies two possible means of interpreting the provisions of the Charter: firstly, an approach based on common values (e.g. equality or solidarity) and, secondly, an approach based on access to the public sphere. It argues in favour of the latter. Whereas an approach based on common values is more consonant with the development of the case law so far, it is conceptually problematic: it involves subjective assessments of the importance and degree of ‘sharedness’ of the value in question, which can undermine the equal constitutional status of different Charter provisions. Furthermore, it marginalises the Charter’s overall politically constructional character, which distinguishes it from other sources of rights protection listed in Art 6 TEU. The paper argues that, as the Charter’s provisions concretise the notion of political status in the EU, they have a primarily constitutional, rather than ethical, basis. Interpreting the Charter based on the very commitment to a process of sharing, drawing on Hannah Arendt’s idea of the ‘right to have rights’ (a right to access a political community on equal terms), is therefore preferable. This approach retains the pluralistic, post-national fabric of the EU polity, as it accommodates multiple narratives about its underlying values, while also having an inclusionary impact on previously underrepresented groups (e.g. non-market-active citizens or the sans-papiers) by recognising their equal political disposition.

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This exhibition was a research presentation of works made at Center for Land Use Interpretation [CLUI]base in Wendover, Utah, USA between 2008-2010. The project was commissioned by the Centre For Land Interpretation in USA and funded by The Henry Moore Foundation in the UK. Documentation of research conducted in the field as made available as video and installation. An experimental discourse on the preservation of land art was put with GPS drawings and research information displayed as maps and documents. In examining physical sites in Utah, USA, the project connected to contemporary discourse centred on archives in relation to land art and land use. Using experimental processes conceived in relation to key concepts such as event structures and entropy, conceptual frameworks developed by Robert Smithson (USA) and John Latham (UK), the 'death drive' of the archive was examined in the context of a cultural impulse to preserve iconic works. The work took items from Lathams archive and placed them at the canonical 'Spiral Jetty', Smithson land art work at Rozel Point north of Salt Lake City. This became a focus for the project that also highlighted the role of the Getty Foundation in documenting major public artworks and CLUI in creating an American Land Museum. Work was created in the field at extreme remote locations using GPS technologies and visual tools were developed to articulate the concepts of the artists discussed, to engage the exhibition audience in ideas of transformation and entropy in art. Audiences were encouraged to sign a petition to be used in future preservation of spiral jetty currently facing development challenges.

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This article examines the institutional integration of activist art in the aftermath of the 2001 economic crisis in Argentina. Following this aim, we begin with a description of the most significant new groups of activist art in the City of Buenos Aires. Then, we elaborate the position these new groups take up in the field with respect to their dispute with the “light art” from the 90s, and in relation to the mutual accusations over the “trend” of political art. Finally, we analyse the reception of these groups of activist art in art exhibitions in the City of Buenos Aires and abroad, and we reflect upon the institutionalization of these specific and situated aesthetic and political practices.

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In settings of intergroup conflict, identifying contextually-relevant risk factors for youth development in an important task. In Vukovar, Croatia, a city devastated during the war in former Yugoslavia, ethno-political tensions remain. The current study utilized a mixed method approach to identify two salient community-level risk factors (ethnic tension and general antisocial behavior) and related emotional insecurity responses (ethnic and non-ethnic insecurity) among youth in Vukovar. In Study 1, focus group discussions (N=66) with mother, fathers, and adolescents 11 to 15-years-old were analyzed using the Constant Comparative Method, revealing two types of risk and insecurity responses. In Study 2, youth (N=227, 58% male, M=15.88 SD=1.12 years old) responded to quantitative scales developed from the focus groups; discriminate validity was demonstrated and path analyses established predictive validity between each type of risk and insecurity. First, community ethnic tension (i.e., threats related to war/ethnic identity) significantly predicted ethnic insecurity for all youth (β=.41, p<.001). Second, experience with community antisocial behavior (i.e., general crime found in any context) predicted non-ethnic community insecurity for girls (β=.32, p<.05), but not for boys. These findings are the first to show multiple forms of emotional insecurity at the community level; implications for future research are discussed.

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The arts in prison settings have provided an alternative or complimentary component to rehabilitation. Despite increased interest, studies capturing the voice of offenders participating in projects and the long-term impact are limited. Data from semistructured interviews with 18 men who had taken part in a music-based project while incarcerated, including one group of five participants who were tracked for 18 months with supplemented data from correctional staff and official documentation, is presented. Participants of the art-based projects comment on changes they believe to have derived from participating in the project, particularly relating to emotions, self-esteem, self-confidence, communication and social skills. An exoffender sample of participants reported that participation in art projects provide experiences that promote beneficial skills that have been useful for post prison life.