Négociation internationale et théorie structurationniste : le cas des conférences des parties sur les changements climatiques (1995 à 2001)

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

Political parties and trade unions in the post-communist Poland:class politics that have never a chance to happen

Trade unions in Poland have not built the stable and long-term relations with political parties as are observed in Western democracies. By analysing the historical and symbolic background of the transformation to a democratic civil society and free market economy, political preferences of working class, trade union membership rates, and public opinion polls, we argue that, in case of Poland, the initial links between political parties and trade unions weakened over time. Polish trade unions never had a chance to become a long-term intermediary between society and political parties, making the Polish case study a double exception from the traditional models.

State Political Parties in American Politics: Innovation and Integration in the Party System

What role do state party organizations play in twenty-first century American politics? What is the nature of the relationship between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections? These questions frame the three studies presented in this dissertation. More specifically, I examine the organizational development of the state party organizations and the strategic interactions and connections between the state and national party organizations in contemporary elections.

In the first empirical chapter, I argue that the Internet Age represents a significant transitional period for state party organizations. Using data collected from surveys of state party leaders, this chapter reevaluates and updates existing theories of party organizational strength and demonstrates the importance of new indicators of party technological capacity to our understanding of party organizational development in the early twenty-first century. In the second chapter, I ask whether the national parties utilize different strategies in deciding how to allocate resources to state parties through fund transfers and through the 50-state-strategy party-building programs that both the Democratic and Republican National Committees advertised during the 2010 elections. Analyzing data collected from my 2011 state party survey and party-fund-transfer data collected from the Federal Election Commission, I find that the national parties considered a combination of state and national electoral concerns in directing assistance to the state parties through their 50-state strategies, as opposed to the strict battleground-state strategy that explains party fund transfers. In my last chapter, I examine the relationships between platforms issued by Democratic and Republican state and national parties and the strategic considerations that explain why state platforms vary in their degree of similarity to the national platform. I analyze an extensive platform dataset, using cluster analysis and document similarity measures to compare platform content across the 1952 to 2014 period. The analysis shows that, as a group, Democratic and Republican state platforms exhibit greater intra-party homogeneity and inter-party heterogeneity starting in the early 1990s, and state-national platform similarity is higher in states that are key players in presidential elections, among other factors. Together, these three studies demonstrate the significance of the state party organizations and the state-national party partnership in contemporary politics.

Négociation internationale et théorie structurationniste : le cas des conférences des parties sur les changements climatiques (1995 à 2001)

Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

The Electoral Rise of Populist Radical Right Parties in Europe: Ideological Parameters and Social Motivations

Populist radical right parties have become major political actors in Europe. This paper analyses the path and the different phases that have led them from the fringes of public debate to their present signifi cance, which is based on their capacity to attract electoral support and infl uence the political agendas in their respective countries. Besides, an analysis of the core ideological beliefs of these parties, and of the topics on which their mobilization capacity rests, is provided, as well as of the type of voters that are attracted by them. Finally, the authors discuss the meaning and impact of the growing popularity of the ideas and proposals put forward by the populist radical right parties.

Procedural Justice in International Criminal Courts: Assessing Civil Parties’ Perceptions of Justice at the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia

Procedural justice advocates argue that fair procedures in decision making processes can increase participant satisfaction with legal institutions. Little critical work has been done however to explore the power of such claims in the context of mass violence and international criminal justice. This article critically examines some of the key claims of procedural justice by exploring the perceptions of justice held by victims participating as Civil Parties in the Extraordinary Chambers in the Courts of Cambodia (ECCC). The ECCC has created one of the most inclusive and extensive victim participation regimes within international criminal law. It therefore provides a unique case study to examine some of claims of ‘victim-centred’ transitional justice through a procedural justice lens. It finds that while procedural justice influenced civil parties’ overall perceptions of the Court, outcomes remained of primary importance. It concludes by analysing the possible reasons for this prioritisation.

Party rules, party resources and the politics of parliamentary democracies How parties organize in the 21st century

This article introduces the first findings of the Political Party Database Project, a major survey of party organizations in parliamentary and semi-presidential democracies. The project’s first round of data covers 122 parties in 19 countries. In this article, we describe the scope of the database, then investigate what it tells us about contemporary party organization in these countries, focusing on parties’ resources, structures and internal decision-making. We examine organizational patterns by country and party family, and where possible we make temporal comparisons with older data sets. Our analyses suggest a remarkable coexistence of uniformity and diversity. In terms of the major organizational resources on which parties can draw, such as members, staff and finance, the new evidence largely confirms the continuation of trends identified in previous research: that is, declining membership, but enhanced financial resources and more paid staff. We also find remarkable uniformity regarding the core architecture of party organizations. At the same time, however, we find substantial variation between countries and party families in terms of their internal processes, with particular regard to how internally democratic they are, and the forms that this democratization takes.

Conclusion: Green parties in Europe: Which family ties?

info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Party Members’ Preferences and the Changing Nature of Party Representation: Does Representation Change when Parties become Mini-Republics?

Giovanni Sartori famously wrote that political parties do not need to be mini-republics, yet today parties in many parliamentary democracies are moving in this direction by giving their members direct votes over important decisions, including selecting party leaders and settling policy issues. This paper explores some of the implications of these changes. It asks whether the addition of membership rights affects the types of members who are attracted: do we find a bigger gap between the preferences of party members and of party voters in parties that are more plebiscitary, as literature on members' motivations might lead us to expect? The paper examines this question both cross-sectionally and longitudinally using opinion data from the European Social Survey and newly-available party organizational data from the Political Party Database project.

La contrebande à Montréal, 1729-1752 : passages, pratiques et protagonistes

Les commerces de contrebande fascinent, que ce soit par leurs structures occultes ou les acteurs impliqués dans les activités économiques illégales. C’est évidemment un thème très peu exploité dans l’historiographie de la Nouvelle-France étant donné la difficulté d’obtenir des informations : les acteurs n’ont pas intérêt à laisser des traces de leur implication dans des activités illégales que les autorités coloniales tentent de faire cesser ou du moins de réduire. Force est de constater que les femmes ne sont pas en reste. Elles sont parties intégrantes des différentes étapes que doivent suivre les marchandises illégales dont font commerce les contrebandiers de Montréal. Les différents documents d’archives consultés permettent toutefois d’avoir assez d’informations pour saisir les structures du commerce illégal en place à Montréal ainsi que les façons de faire de la contrebande prisées par les marchands illégaux. Après avoir fait un tour d’horizon de l’histoire économique du XVIIIe siècle en Nouvelle-France, nous nous sommes penché sur un document d’archive particulier, le journal de Catherine Dagneau; elle informe les autorités de ce qu’elle voit et de ce qui lui est rapporté par des tierces personnes, grâce à son statut singulier de veuve d’un ancien interprète des Amérindiens. Finalement, il nous semblait impossible de faire une étude sur les commerces de contrebande sans parler du cas unique et reconnu des sœurs Trottier-Desauniers, dont il sera question en dernier lieu. Quoiqu’il en soit, étudier la contrebande en Nouvelle-France, c’est réaliser une enquête sur un pan important de la vie économique de la colonie. C’est s’attaquer à ce que les acteurs de ces activités souhaitaient garder caché. C’est comprendre la nature et le fonctionnement de la société coloniale par la mise en place de structures économiques précises.

Traité du jeu des échecs : enseignement des deb́uts étude des fins de parties méthode claire et facile a l'usage de tous les amateurs /

Mode of access: Internet.

Nouveau manuel illustré du jeu des échecs; lois et principes, classification des débuts, parties modèles, fins de parties, etc., études et observations nouvelles,

Mode of access: Internet.

New Political Parties as Innovators - Formation and Success

This cumulative dissertation investigates the formation and success of new political parties in developed democracies from the perspective of the programmatic competition between parties (see. introduction in chapter 1). It starts by arguing that the current state of the programmatic supply by existing parties is a central determinant for the likelihood of new party formation (chapter 2). A low programmatic diversity of existing parties creates scope for programmatic innovations by new parties. The dissertation establishes a connection between the literature on new parties and niche parties by analyzing the latter as typical cases of innovating new parties (chapter 3). For this purpose, the author combines two concepts with corresponding measures in order to capture the programmatic profiles of parties. Nicheness refers to differences in the emphasis of topics between a given party and its counterparts while programmatic concentration shows the narrowness of a given policy profile. Chapter 4 investigates how the variation in the programmatic profiles of niche parties affect their long-term electoral performance. Previous studies on niche parties have not fully taken into account the evolutionary aspect of the programmatic profiles of these parties. Acknowledging the variation in programmatic profiles between niche parties and over time, the article argues that the electoral effects of nicheness and programmatic concentration as programmatic features of niche parties vary over their lifecycle. The literature on new parties assumes that they can benefit from the poor representation of parts of the electorate by existing parties. This strand of research provides plausible results, but it operates on the macro level, which is problematic for theoretical and methodological reasons. The study in chapter 5 overcomes these problems through a multilevel analysis of the vote choice between new parties, existing parties and abstention.

La dépression suite à un traumatisme cranio-cérébral : La contribution de la douleur, des comorbidités et des blessures aux autres parties du corps

La dépression est le trouble psychiatrique le plus fréquent dans la population ayant subi un traumatisme cranio-cérébral (TCC). Les blessures aux autres parties du corps, les problèmes de santé, la douleur et les migraines semblent liés à la dépression post-TCC. L’objectif de ce mémoire est de mieux comprendre ces liens. Les taux de dépression chez les individus ayant des blessures aux autres parties du corps au moment du TCC ou de la douleur significative, des migraines, la prise d’analgésiques ou des problèmes de santé comorbides à 4, 8 et 12 mois post-blessure ont été comparés à ceux des gens qui ne présentent pas ces facteurs. Ensuite, l’influence de ces variables à 4 mois post-TCC sur le risque de développer la dépression au cours de la première année post-TCC a été analysé. Le risque de présenter une dépression au cours de la première année post-TCC est plus élevé pour les individus qui rapportent des blessures aux membres inférieurs au moment du TCC et de la douleur significative, des migraines, la prise d’analgésiques et des problèmes de santé comorbides à 4 mois post-blessure. Une histoire de dépression pré-morbide demeure la variable avec la plus grande force prédictive d’une dépression post-TCC. Ces résultats démontrent l’importance de suivis ciblés pour la population TCC présentant ces facteurs.