969 resultados para Relationship Executive-Legislative
The relationship between forward head posture and cervical muscle performance in healthy individuals
Resumo:
Background Forward head postures (FHP) are proposed to adversely load cervical spine structures. Neck muscles provide support for the neck, and thus an imbalance in neck muscle performance could potentially contribute to the development of FHP. Previous studies have not considered the interaction of multiple muscle groups with regard to postural orientation. Given the interdependence of muscles along the cervical spine for optimal orientation and physical support of the vertebral column, the performance of a single muscle group may not accurately reflect the coordinated ability of the muscles to maintain a neutral neck posture. Purpose The purpose of this study was to investigate the relationship between FHP and the balance between the cervical extensor and flexor muscle groups in healthy individuals. We hypothesised that the magnitude of FHP would be associated with the strength and endurance performance ratios between the cervical extensor and flexor muscle groups. Methods Twenty male and 24 female volunteers were photographed in the sagittal plane wearing surface markers. The FHP of each participant was measured via the tragus-sternum marker distance over two conditions: (1)in relaxed standing and (2)during a sustained sitting task. Maximal strength (Nm) and endurance (s) performance of the extensor and flexor muscle groups were recorded at the upper (craniocervical flexion/extension (CCF/CCE)) and lower (cervicothoracic flexion/extension (CTF/CTE)) cervical regions. Muscle performance measures were expressed as extension:flexion ratios and their relation to FHP evaluated. A stepwise multiple regression analysis using backward elimination was utilised to examine the relationship between the postural measures and the muscle performance ratio measures. Separate models were used for the two different postural conditions (standing, sustained sitting). Gender was included as a constant correction factor in all regression models. Where gender was a significant variable in the model, analyses were repeated separately for males and females. Results Greater FHP in standing was significantly associated with reduced proportional CTE to CCF strength in females (R2 = 0.21, P = 0.03) and greater proportional CTE to CTF strength in males (R2 = 0.23, P = 0.03). A greater drift into FHP during sustained sitting was associated with a relative reduction in CCE endurance proportional to CTF endurance in females only (R2 = 0.27, P = 0.017). Conclusion(s) This initial study indicates that the balance in performance between the cervical flexor and extensor muscle groups may impact FHP in healthy individuals. However, the findings were inconsistent across different muscle performance ratios and gender. Larger scale studies are therefore now needed to further clarify the relationship between FHP and muscle performance. Implications The findings suggest that relative performance of the various cervical muscle groups needs to be accounted for when considering postural correction strategies in the clinical setting, as is often recommended.
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This collection is mainly composed of correspondence between Ms. Stern and Mrs. Roosevelt, spanning the years from their first acquaintance in 1941 to Mrs. Roosevelt's decease in 1962. Letters that hold particular interest concern Ms. Stern's experience at the Summer Student Leadership Institute, and the White House. Additional material in the collection encompasses articles, newsclippings, programs, press releases, and photographs. The articles and newsclippings folder contains information pertaining to Ms. Stern's college career, the first Summer Student Leadership Institute, Mrs. Roosevelt's talk at Community Day, National Youth Association, and a donation of an ambulance to the war effort by Hunter college students. Naomi Block Manners Stern personal folder contains an article Naomi Block wrote in her college magazine, "Echo," describing her perceptions of President Roosevelt and Prime Minister Winston Churchill during her first visit at the White House. Also included is her graduation program, listing Mrs. Roosevelt as the main speaker, a commemoration of President Roosevelt in 1972 in which Ms. Stern took part, an article and press release describing Ms. Stern's career at Revlon, and a 2003 written summary of Ms. Stern's relationship with Mrs. Roosevelt. Photographs were taken by Naomi Block and others at the Summer Leadership Institute in 1941 portray identified fellow students, Mrs. Roosevelt, James Roosevelt, the Roosevelt home in Campobello, and Felix Frankfurter.
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Endoraecium is a genus of rust fungi that infects several species of Acacia in Australia, South-East Asia and Hawaii. This study investigated the systematics of Endoraecium from 55 specimens in Australia based on a combined morphological and molecular approach. Phylogenetic analyses were conducted on partitioned datasets of loci from ribosomal and mitochondrial DNA. The recovered molecular phylogeny supported a recently published taxonomy based on morphology and host range that divided Endoraecium digitatum into five species. Spore morphology is synapomorphic and there is evidence Endoraecium co-evolved with its Acacia hosts. The broad host ranges of E. digitatum, E. parvum, E. phyllodiorum and E. violae-faustiae are revised in light of this study, and nine new species of Endoraecium are described from Australia based on host taxonomy, morphology and phylogenetic concordance.
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Poultry grown on litter floors are in contact with their own waste products. The waste material needs to be carefully managed to reduce food safety risks and to provide conditions that are comfortable and safe for the birds. Water activity (Aw) is an important thermodynamic property that has been shown to be more closely related to microbial, chemical and physical properties of natural products than moisture content. In poultry litter, Aw is relevant for understanding microbial activity; litter handling and rheological properties; and relationships between in-shed relative humidity and litter moisture content. We measured the Aw of poultry litter collected throughout a meat chicken grow-out (from fresh pine shavings bedding material to day 52) and over a range of litter moisture content (10–60%). The Aw increased non-linearly from 0.71 to 1.0, and reached a value of 0.95 when litter moisture content was only 22–33%. Accumulation of manure during the grow-out reduced Aw for the same moisture content. These results are relevant for making decisions regarding litter re-use in multiple grow-outs as well as setting targets for litter moisture content to minimise odour, microbial risks and to ensure necessary litter physical conditions are maintained during a grow-out. Methods to predict Aw in poultry litter from moisture content are proposed.
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This paper investigates the long- and short-run relationships between energy consumption and economic growth in Australia using the bound testing and the ARDL approach. The analytical framework utilized in this paper includes both production and demand side models and a unified model comprising both production and demand side variables. The energy-GDP relationships are investigated at aggregate as well as several disaggregated energy categories, such as coal, oil, gas and electricity. The possibilities of one or more structural break(s) in the data series are examined by applying the recent advances in techniques. We find that the results of the cointegration tests could be affected by the structural break(s) in the data. It is, therefore, crucial to incorporate the information on structural break(s) in the subsequent modelling and inferences. Moreover, neither the production side nor the demand side framework alone can provide sufficient information to draw an ultimate conclusion on the cointegration and causal direction between energy and output. When alternative frameworks and structural break(s) in time series are explored properly, strong evidence of a bidirectional relationship between energy and output can be observed. The finding is true at both the aggregate and the disaggregate levels of energy consumption.
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Characterisation of a number of key wood properties utilising ‘state of the art’ tools was achieved for four commercial Australian hardwood species: Corymbia citriodora, Eucalyptus pilularis, Eucalyptus marginata and Eucalyptus obliqua. The wood properties were measured for input into microscopic (cellular level) and macroscopic (board level) vacuum drying models currently under development. Morphological characterisation was completed using a combination of ESEM, optical microscopy and a custom vector-based image analysis software. A clear difference in wood porosity, size, wall thickness and orientation was evident between species. Wood porosity was measured using a combination of fibre and vessel porosity. A highly sensitive microbalance and scanning laser micrometres were used to measure loss of moisture content in conjunction with directional shrinkage on micro-samples of E. obliqua to investigate the validity of measuring collapse-free shrinkage in very thin sections. Collapse-free shrinkage was characterised, and collapse propensity was verified when testing thicker samples. Desorption isotherms were calculated for each species using wood–water relations data generated from shrinkage experiments. Fibre geometry and wood shrinkage anisotropy were used to explain the observed difficulty in drying of the different species in terms of collapse and drying stress-related degrade.
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The production of sustainable housing requires the cooperation of a variety of participants with different goals, needs, levels of commitment and cultures. To achieve mainstream net zero energy housing objectives, there is arguably a need for a non-linear network of collaboration between all the stakeholders. In order to create and improve such collaborative networks between stakeholders, we first need to map stakeholders’ relationships, processes, and practices. This paper discusses compares and contrasts maps of the sustainable housing production life-cycle in Australia, developed from different perspectives. The paper highlights the strengths and weaknesses of each visualization, clarifying where gaps in connectivity exist within existing industry networks. Understanding these gaps will help researchers and practitioners identify how to improve the collaboration between participants in the housing industry. This in turn may improve decision making across all stakeholder groups, leading to mainstream implementation of sustainability into the housing industry.
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As a result of competitive pressures, firms are transitioning to international sourcing and initiating complex relationships with suppliers. Despite a lack of inward internationalisation research, there is progressive support for the importance of importing. Heavier focus has been placed on downstream efforts in past years, despite the fact that many factors affecting exporting also influence importing. For small and medium sized enterprises (SME), the psychic distance construct is especially important for internationalisation behaviour but there is little evidence on how perceptual psychic distance, that is the individual’s experiences, influences the buyer-seller relationship. This study draws on internationalisation process theory and commitment-trust theory, in an effort to describe the relationship between objective characteristics (i.e. language, cultural background, education and international experience) and relationship marketing (trust and commitment). The study utilises a holistic, multiple case study design to gain a deeper understanding of the inherent complexities of the relationships in dyads and how objective characteristics, which reduce psychic distance, can facilitate trust and commitment development between importers and exporters.
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There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.
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This thesis examines the mythology in and social reality behind a group of texts from the Nag Hammadi and related literature, to which certain leaders of the early church attached the label, Ophite, i.e., snake people. In the mythology, which essentially draws upon and rewrites the Genesis paradise story, the snake's advice to eat from the tree of knowledge is positive, the creator and his angels are demonic beasts and the true godhead is depicted as an androgynous heavenly projection of Adam and Eve. It will be argued that this unique mythology is attested in certain Coptic texts from the Nag Hammadi and Berlin 8502 Codices (On the Origin of the World, Hypostasis of the Archons, Apocryphon of John, Eugnostos, Sophia of Jesus Christ), as well as in reports by Irenaeus (Adversus Haereses 1.30), Origen (Contra Celsum 6.24-38) and Epiphanius (Panarion 26). It will also be argued that this so-called Ophite evidence is essential for a proper understanding of Sethian Gnosticism, often today considered one of the earliest forms of Gnosticism; there seems to have occurred a Sethianization of Ophite mythology. I propose that we replace the current Sethian Gnostic category by a new one that not only adds texts that draw upon the Ophite mythology alongside these Sethian texts, but also arranges the material in smaller typological units. I also propose we rename this remodelled and expanded Sethian corpus "Classic Gnostic." I have divided the thesis into four parts: (I) Introduction; (II) Myth and Innovation; (III) Ritual; and (IV) Conclusion. In Part I, the sources and previous research on Ophites and Sethians will be examined, and the new Classic Gnostic category will be introduced to provide a framework for the study of the Ophite evidence. Chapters in Part II explore key themes in the mythology of our texts, first by text comparison (to show that certain texts represent the Ophite mythology and that this mythology is different from Sethianism), and then by attempting to unveil social circumstances that may have given rise to such myths. Part III assesses heresiological claims of Ophite rituals, and Part IV is the conclusion.
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We explore how a standardization effort (i.e., when a firm pursues standards to further innovation) involves different search processes for knowledge and innovation outcomes. Using an inductive case study of Vanke, a leading Chinese property developer, we show how varying degrees of knowledge complexity and codification combine to produce a typology of four types of search process: active, integrative, decentralized and passive, resulting in four types of innovation outcome: modular, radical, incremental and architectural. We argue that when the standardization effort in a firm involves highly codified knowledge, incremental and architectural innovation outcomes are fostered, while modular and radical innovations are hindered. We discuss how standardization efforts can result in a second-order innovation capability, and conclude by calling for comparative research in other settings to understand how standardization efforts can be suited to different types of search process in different industry contexts.
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Democratic Legitimacy and the Politics of Rights is a research in normative political theory, based on comparative analysis of contemporary democratic theories, classified roughly as conventional liberal, deliberative democratic and radical democratic. Its focus is on the conceptual relationship between alternative sources of democratic legitimacy: democratic inclusion and liberal rights. The relationship between rights and democracy is studied through the following questions: are rights to be seen as external constraints to democracy or as objects of democratic decision making processes? Are individual rights threatened by public participation in politics; do constitutionally protected rights limit the inclusiveness of democratic processes? Are liberal values such as individuality, autonomy and liberty; and democratic values such as equality, inclusion and popular sovereignty mutually conflictual or supportive? Analyzing feminist critique of liberal discourse, the dissertation also raises the question about Enlightenment ideals in current political debates: are the universal norms of liberal democracy inherently dependent on the rationalist grand narratives of modernity and incompatible with the ideal of diversity? Part I of the thesis introduces the sources of democratic legitimacy as presented in the alternative democratic models. Part II analyses how the relationship between rights and democracy is theorized in them. Part III contains arguments by feminists and radical democrats against the tenets of universalist liberal democratic models and responds to that critique by partly endorsing, partly rejecting it. The central argument promoted in the thesis is that while the deconstruction of modern rationalism indicates that rights are political constructions as opposed to externally given moral constraints to politics, this insight does not delegitimize the politics of universal rights as an inherent part of democratic institutions. The research indicates that democracy and universal individual rights are mutually interdependent rather than oppositional; and that democracy is more dependent on an unconditional protection of universal individual rights when it is conceived as inclusive, participatory and plural; as opposed to robust majoritarian rule. The central concepts are: liberalism, democracy, legitimacy, deliberation, inclusion, equality, diversity, conflict, public sphere, rights, individualism, universalism and contextuality. The authors discussed are e.g. John Rawls, Jürgen Habermas, Seyla Benhabib, Iris Young, Chantal Mouffe and Stephen Holmes. The research focuses on contemporary political theory, but the more classical work of John S. Mill, Benjamin Constant, Isaiah Berlin and Hannah Arendt is also included.
Assessing taxpayer response to legislative changes: A case study of ‘in-house’ fringe benefits rules
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On 22 October 2012, the Australian Federal Government announced the removal of the $1,000 in-house fringe benefits concession when used as part of a salary packaging arrangement. At the time of the announcement, the Federal Government predicted that the removal of the concession would contribute additional tax revenue of $445 million over the following four years as well as an increase of GST payments to the States and Territories. However, anecdotal evidence at the same time indicated that the Australian employer response was to immediately stop providing employees with such in-house fringe benefits via salary sacrificing arrangements. Data presented in this article, collected from a combination of interviews with tax managers of four Australian entities as well as a review of the published archival data, confirms that the abolition of the $1,000 in-house fringe benefits concession was perceived as a negative change, whereby employees were considered the ‘big losers’ despite assertions by the Federal Government to the contrary. Using a conceptual map of tax rule change developed by Oats and Sadler, this article seeks to understand the reasons for this fringe benefits tax change and taxpayer response. In particular, the economic and political factors, and the responses of the relevant taxpayers (employers) are explored. Drawing on behavioural economic concepts, the actions, attitudes and response of employers to the rule change are also examined. The research findings suggest that the decision by Australian employers to cease providing the in-house fringe benefits as part of a salary-packaging arrangement after the legislative amendment was impacted by more than simple rational behaviour.
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A sensitive dimerization assay for DNA binding proteins has been developed using gene fusion technology. For this purpose, we have engineered a gene fusion using protein A gene of Staphylococcus aureus and C gene, the late gene transactivator of bacteriophage Mu. The C gene was fused to the 3' end of the gene for protein A to generate an A- C fusion. The overexpressed fusion protein was purified in a single step using immunoglobulin affinity chromatography. Purified fusion protein exhibits DNA binding activity as demonstrated by electrophoretic mobility shift assays. When the fusion protein A-C was mixed with C and analyzed for DNA binding, in addition to C and A-C specific complexes, a single intermediate complex comprising of a heterodimer of C and A-C fusion proteins was observed. Further, the protein A moiety in the fusion protein A-C does not contribute to DNA binding as demonstrated by proteolytic cleavage and circular dichroism (CD) analysis. The assay has also been applied to analyze the DNA binding domain of C protein by generating fusions between protein A and N- and C-terminal deletion mutants of C. The results indicate a role for the region towards the carboxy terminal of the protein in DNA binding. The general applicability of this method is discussed.