681 resultados para Gramscian hegemony


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Recently, increasing numbers of new German firms have begun to break from tradition and refuse to join employers' associations. Simultaneously, an unprecedented portion of affiliates have begun to reconsider employers' association membership. The spectre of declining membership in German employers' associations-century-old pillars of organized capitalism-is particularly noteworthy because of the importance of these institutions to the German economy as a whole. Some observers have attributed this trend to the impact of German unification, yet a careful analysis reveals that its principal causes arose in the decade preceding it. The economic strain of unification, however, has accelerated "association flight'' and has provided dissidents with an unprecedented opportunity to challenge the hegemony of employers' associations over the regulation of wages and working conditions in the Federal Republic.

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Usually, Germany’s social market economy is understood to embody a compromise between a liberal market order and a corporatist welfare state. While this reading of the German case is certainly not entirely wrong, this paper argues that only if we account for the close intellectual correspondence between lutheran Protestantism and economic liberalism on the one hand and between Catholicism and welfare corporatism on the other, can we fully comprehend the nature of the German post-war compromise. In particular, this perspective allows to better explain the anti-liberal undercurrents of Germany’s soziale Marktwirtschaft. It was especially the role which Protestant Ordoliberals ascribed to the state in upholding economic order and market discipline which accounts for the major difference between ‘classic’ and ‘German-style’ economic liberalism. Yet, the postwar economic order did not represent a deliberately struck compromise between the two major Christian denominations. Rather, Germany’s social market economy was the result of the failure of German Protestant Ordoliberals to prevent the reconstruction of the catholic Bismarckian welfare state after the authoritarian solution, which Ordoliberals had endorsed so strongly up until 1936 and from which they had hoped the re-inauguration of Protestant hegemony, had so utterly failed. Since the ordoliberal doctrine up to the present day lacks a clear understanding of the role of the corporatist welfare state within the German political economy, its insights into the functioning logic of German capitalism have remained limit. The paper also claims that accounting for the denominational roots of the postwar compromise allows us to better understand the relationship between consociationalism and corporatism in ‘Modell Deutschland’.

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Following the execution of Saudi Shiite cleric Nimr Baqer al-Nimr, the deep rooted rivalry between Iran and Saudi Arabia entered a new phase in January 2016. While the main objective for both countries still is regional hegemony, the Iranian-Saudi competition takes many different forms and shapes, and also extends into the field of energy. In this Policy Brief, David Ramin Jalilvand gives a detailed analysis of the energy-related aspects of the Iran-Saudi Arabia rivalry and its possible consequences for Europe’s energy market; both countries hold giant hydrocarbon reserves, so European energy will probably be affected by their competition in several regards; increased oil supplies will be available for the European market, while the cycle of low oil prices will be prolonged. According to Jalilvand, this is a mixed blessing; Europe’s energy import bill will be reduced, but its indigenous production will suffer, while Russia’s role in European natural gas will only continue to grow.

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Este trabajo tiene como objetivo delimitar el lugar de la obra del filósofomarxista francés Louis Althusser en el proceso de relectura de la tradiciónmarxista llevado a cabo por el colectivo de intelectuales argentinosnucleados en la revista Pasado y Presente. A partir de la reconstrucciónde dicho proceso de recepción, se matiza y complejiza la interpretacióncanónica de la necesaria exclusión e incompatibilidad entre lastradiciones gramsciana y althusseriana al interior de esta experiencia.

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Este artículo presenta un análisis de la noción de hegemonía tal como es desarrollada por Ernesto Laclau en investigaciones que comprenden desde trabajos previos a su clásico Hegemonía y estrategia socialista. Hacia una radicalización de la democracia (1985, en colaboración con Chantal Mouffe) hasta su obra importante más reciente La razón populista (2004). La hipótesis de lectura que guía el articulo es que hegemonía -desde sus orígenes en la teoría política de Laclau- funciona como una categoría que plantea la relación entre la universalidad y la particularidad pero también como tres conceptos -en tanto esta categoría adquiere un contenido particular cuando se la utiliza en diferentes campos: lo político y la lógica de constitución de lo social; el funcionamiento de una/la lógica de la política; y la constitución de las identidades colectivas

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El presente artículo tiene como objetivo analizar la producción escrita del ecuatoriano Agustín Cueva y del boliviano René Zavaleta, respecto a los debates sobre la experiencia populista y sobre la matriz nacional popular en América Latina. Se presentarán sus principales contribuciones en clave comparada a partir de dos ejes analíticos: su caracterización respecto de las condiciones del surgimiento de la experiencia populista y del sujeto político al que refieren estas experiencias y la distinción que realizan los autores entre el populismo y la matriz nacional-popular. A partir de este último eje, en el cual residen sus principales argumentaciones teóricas y su defensa de la perspectiva marxista en el escenario latinoamericano, estudiaremos sus miradas sobre la construcción de hegemonía y los procesos de democratización en América Latina. El trabajo ofrece una reflexión de dos referentes del marxismo latinoamericano, cuyo pensamiento representa un legado para la Teoría Social Latinoamericana, a modo de propuesta para la reflexión sobre la reactualización de los debates en torno a la experiencia populista de la región en la última década.

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Do the “democratization” of media and the proliferation of online participatory culture undermine the aesthetic hegemony of professional filmmakers? This article is a case study of both more and less popular animated Lego videos, also called “brickfilms,” that asks how amateur videos adhere to and/or depart from professionalized aesthetic standards. It addresses the definitions of professionalism and amateurism and proposes that the dichotomy between democratization and ongoing elitism is insufficient to describe the complex dialogue between professional film aesthetics and amateur production—a dialogue that is diverse but nonetheless follows certain patterns. These patterns link Lego videos to silent era cinema as well as contemporary professional live-action and stop-motion animation. Furthermore, a mixture of parody, pastiche, and homage suggest that amateur work has a variety of affective relationships to professional work. Ultimately, amateur filmmaking indicates a negotiation of professional standards rather than slavish adherence.

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"The catalog was made possible in part by financial support from Chase Bank and the Illinois State Museum."

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Este trabajo tiene como objetivo delimitar el lugar de la obra del filósofomarxista francés Louis Althusser en el proceso de relectura de la tradiciónmarxista llevado a cabo por el colectivo de intelectuales argentinosnucleados en la revista Pasado y Presente. A partir de la reconstrucciónde dicho proceso de recepción, se matiza y complejiza la interpretacióncanónica de la necesaria exclusión e incompatibilidad entre lastradiciones gramsciana y althusseriana al interior de esta experiencia.

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Este artículo presenta un análisis de la noción de hegemonía tal como es desarrollada por Ernesto Laclau en investigaciones que comprenden desde trabajos previos a su clásico Hegemonía y estrategia socialista. Hacia una radicalización de la democracia (1985, en colaboración con Chantal Mouffe) hasta su obra importante más reciente La razón populista (2004). La hipótesis de lectura que guía el articulo es que hegemonía -desde sus orígenes en la teoría política de Laclau- funciona como una categoría que plantea la relación entre la universalidad y la particularidad pero también como tres conceptos -en tanto esta categoría adquiere un contenido particular cuando se la utiliza en diferentes campos: lo político y la lógica de constitución de lo social; el funcionamiento de una/la lógica de la política; y la constitución de las identidades colectivas

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In the early 1900s, the Yakima Indian Agency welcomed non-Native ranching operations onto Yakama tribal lands, taxing rangelands, and resulting in widespread overgrazing. By the 1920s, agency concern for the welfare of ranchers facilitated a need to gain access to tribal grazing lands sustaining Yakama horses. As a result, agency officials launched systematic assaults on Yakama horse herds, citing horses as culprits of overgrazing and land degradation. However, Yakamas showed little interest in removing their horses, and instead actively opposed settler encroachment on tribal grazing lands. Through analyzing archival sources, conducting interviews, and reviewing scholarly sources, I argue that Yakamas and settlers used horses as a terrain of struggle, whereby they asserted competing claims to Indigenous lands and resources. Examining horses as a tool of resistance provides a useful lens for understanding forms of Native opposition to colonial hegemony, while interrogating problematic tropes settlers utilized to justify divesting Native communities.

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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In this article, we challenge the hegemony of western science fiction, arguing that western science fiction is particular even as it claims universality. Its view remains based on ideas of the future as forward time. In contrast, in non-western science fiction the future is seen outside linear terms: as cyclical or spiral, or in terms of ancestors. In addition, western science fiction has focused on the good society as created by technological progress, while non-western science fiction and futures thinking has focused on the fantastic, on the spiritual, on the realization of eupsychia-the perfect self. However, most theorists assert that the non-west has no science fiction, ignoring Asian and Chinese science fiction history, and western science fiction continues to 'other' the non-west as well as those on the margins of the west (African-American woman, for example). Nonetheless, while most western science fiction remains trapped in binary opposites-alien/non-alien; masculine/feminine; insider/outsider-writers from the west's margins are creating texts that contradict tradition and modernity, seeking new ways to transcend difference. Given that the imagination of the future creates the reality of tomorrow, creating new science fictions is not just an issue of textual critique but of opening up possibilities for all our futures.

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A number of recent events-especially attempts to negotiate a bilateral trade agreement and Australia's participation in the conflicts in Afghanistan and Iraq(1)-have thrown Australia's relationship with the United States into sharp relief. While this relationship has historically enjoyed strong bilateral endorsement, such uncritical support is beginning to unravel. At the very least, the relationship is being subjected to a renewed, more critical scrutiny. This paper argues that a dispassionate analysis of the relationship is appropriate and overdue. Not only are the benefits that accrue to 'Australia' from the relationship debateable, even when judged within the limited calculus of the 'national interest', but Australia's uncritical support for US foreign policy is also helping to entrench potentially damaging aspects of American foreign policy and somewhat ironically-undermining the legitimacy of its pre-eminent 'hegemonic' position.