937 resultados para Environmental protection -- Australia -- Public opinion


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After the introduction of the liberal-democratic constitutions in the Swiss cantons in the first half of the 1830ies the grid of existing schools has been systemized and broadly expanded. The school systems have ever since been characterized by one key element: a special local authority type called „Schulkommission“ or „Schulpflege“. They take the form of committees consisting of laymen that are appointed by democratic elections like all the other executive bodies on the different federal levels in Switzerland. When it comes to their obligations and activities these community level school committees conform very much to the school boards in the American and Canadian school systems. They are accountable for the selection and supervision of the teachers. They approve decisions about the school careers of pupils and about curricular matters like the choice of school books. Normally their members are elected by the local voters for four year terms of office (reelection remains possible) and with regard to pedagogics they normally are non-professionals. The board members are responsible for classes and teachers assigned to them and they have to go to see them periodically. These visitations and the board meetings each month together with the teachers enable the board members to attain a deep insight into what happens in their schools over the course of their term of office. But they are confronted as laymen with a professional teaching staff and with educational experts in the public administration. Nevertheless this form of executive power by non-professionals is constitutive for the state governance in the Swiss as well as in other national political environments. It corresponds to the principles of subsidiarity and militia and therefore allows for a strong accentuation of liberty and the right of self-determination, two axioms at the very base of democratic federalist ideology. This governance architecture with this strong accent on local anchorage features substantial advantages for the legitimacy and acceptability of political and administrative decisions. And this is relevant especially in the educational area because the rearing of the offspring is a project of hope and, besides, quite costly. In the public opinion such supervision bodies staffed by laymen seem to have certain credibility advances in comparison with the professional administration. They are given credit to be capable of impeding the waste of common financial resources and of warranting the protection and the fostering of the community’s children at once. Especially because of their non-professional character they are trusted to be reliably immune against organizational blindness and they seem to be able to defend the interests of the local community against the standardization and centralization aspirations originating from the administrational expertocracy. In the paper these common rationales will be underpinned by results of a comprehensive historical analysis of the Session protocols of three Bernese school commissions from 1835 to 2005.

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In 1996 and in 1997, Congress ordered the Secretary of Health and Human Services to undertake a process of negotiated rulemaking, which is authorized under the Negotiated Rulemaking Act of 1990, on three separate rulemaking matters. Other Federal agencies, including the Environmental Protection Agency and the Occupational Health and Safety Administration, have also made use of this procedure. As part of the program to reinvent government, President Clinton has issued an executive order requiring federal agencies to engage in some negotiated rulemaking procedures. I present an analytic, interpretative and critical approach to looking at the statutory and regulatory provisions for negotiated rulemaking as related to issues of democratic governance surrounding the problem of delegation of legislative power. The paradigm of law delineated by Jürgen Habermas, which sets law the task of achieving social or value integration as well as integration of systems, provides the background theory for a critique of such processes. My research questions are two. First, why should a citizen obey a regulation which is the result of negotiation by directly interested parties? Second, what is the potential effect of negotiated rulemaking on other institutions for deliberative democracy? For the internal critique I argue that the procedures for negotiated rulemaking will not produce among the participants the agreement and cooperation which is the legislative intent. For the external critique I argue that negotiated rulemaking will not result in democratically-legitimated regulation. In addition, the practice of negotiated rulemaking will further weaken the functioning of the public sphere, as Habermas theorizes it, as the central institution of deliberative democracy. The primary implication is the need to mitigate further development of administrative agencies as isolated, self-regulating systems, which have been loosened from the controls of democratic governance, through the development of a robust public sphere in which affected persons may achieve mutual understanding. ^

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During the last decade, DNA profiling and the use of DNA databases have become two of the most employed instruments of police investigations. This very rapid establishment of forensic genetics is yet far from being complete. In the last few years novel types of analyses have been presented to describe phenotypically a possible perpetrator. We conducted the present study among German speaking Swiss residents for two main reasons: firstly, we aimed at getting an impression of the public awareness and acceptance of the Swiss DNA database and the perception of a hypothetical DNA database containing all Swiss residents. Secondly, we wanted to get a broader picture of how people that are not working in the field of forensic genetics think about legal permission to establish phenotypic descriptions of alleged criminals by genetic means. Even though a significant number of study participants did not even know about the existence of the Swiss DNA database, its acceptance appears to be very high. Generally our results suggest that the current forensic use of DNA profiling is considered highly trustworthy. However, the acceptance of a hypothetical universal database would be only as low as about 30% among the 284 respondents to our study, mostly because people are concerned about the security of their genetic data, their privacy or a possible risk of abuse of such a database. Concerning the genetic analysis of externally visible characteristics and biogeographical ancestry, we discover a high degree of acceptance. The acceptance decreases slightly when precise characteristics are presented to the participants in detail. About half of the respondents would be in favor of the moderate use of physical traits analyses only for serious crimes threatening life, health or sexual integrity. The possible risk of discrimination and reinforcement of racism, as discussed by scholars from anthropology, bioethics, law, philosophy and sociology, is mentioned less frequently by the study participants than we would have expected. A national DNA database and the widespread use of DNA analyses for police and justice have an impact on the entire society. Therefore the concerns of lay persons from the respective population should be heard and considered. The aims of this study were to draw a broader picture of the public opinion on DNA databasing and to contribute to the debate about the possible future use of genetics to reveal phenotypic characteristics. Our data might provide an additional perspective for experts involved in regulatory or legislative processes.

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This thesis seeks to analyze the relationship between public attitudes toward refugees in a refugee receiving state and the realization of the legal rights afforded refugees (de facto rights). I hypothesize that the more negative a host culture is toward refugees, the less refugees are able to realize their rights. Conversely, the more positive a host culture is toward refugees, the more refugees are able to realize their rights. I test the hypothesis through a case study of refugee populations in Cape Town, South Africa, based on research conducted from May to June 2007. The orientation (positive or negative) of the host culture's perceptions toward a refugee group (Independent Variable) is measured through: (1) a coded content analysis of the South African media, (2) a coded content analysis of semi-structured interviews, and (3) an assessment of secondary source public opinion surveys and reports. The realization of refugee rights (Dependent Variable) is operationalized as a function of two rights: (1) the right to personal physical integrity and (2) the right to protection from unlawful detention. These rights are measured by coding (1) media reports and (2) interviews, and by (3) assessing NGO reports and secondary source public opinion surveys. My empirical data shows that the cultural orientation toward refugees is not overwhelmingly negative, and the realization of rights is not conclusively "low." However, the frequency of data coded "negative" and "low" versus "positive" or "high" suggest that South Africans regard refugees somewhat negatively and that rights are not fully realized. This finding is strengthened by the analysis of secondary sources and field notes.

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Under the Clean Air Act, Congress granted discretionary decision making authority to the Administrator of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA). This discretionary authority involves setting standards to protect the public's health with an "adequate margin of safety" based on current scientific knowledge. The Administrator of the EPA is usually not a scientist, and for the National Ambient Air Quality Standard (NAAQS) for particulate matter (PM), the Administrator faced the task of revising a standard when several scientific factors were ambiguous. These factors included: (1) no identifiable threshold below which health effects are not manifested, (2) no biological basis to explain the reported associations between particulate matter and adverse health effects, and (3) no consensus among the members of the Clean Air Scientific Advisory Committee (CASAC) as to what an appropriate PM indicator, averaging period, or value would be for the revised standard. ^ This project recommends and demonstrates a tool, integrated assessment (IA), to aid the Administrator in making a public health policy decision in the face of ambiguous scientific factors. IA is an interdisciplinary approach to decision making that has been used to deal with complex issues involving many uncertainties, particularly climate change analyses. Two IA approaches are presented; a rough set analysis by which the expertise of CASAC members can be better utilized, and a flag model for incorporating the views of stakeholders into the standard setting process. ^ The rough set analysis can describe minimal and maximal conditions about the current science pertaining to PM and health effects. Similarly, a flag model can evaluate agreement or lack of agreement by various stakeholder groups to the proposed standard in the PM review process. ^ The use of these IA tools will enable the Administrator to (1) complete the NAAQS review in a manner that is in closer compliance with the Clean Air Act, (2) expand the input from CASAC, (3) take into consideration the views of the stakeholders, and (4) retain discretionary decision making authority. ^

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Purpose. To examine the association between living in proximity to Toxics Release Inventory (TRI) facilities and the incidence of childhood cancer in the State of Texas. ^ Design. This is a secondary data analysis utilizing the publicly available Toxics release inventory (TRI), maintained by the U.S. Environmental protection agency that lists the facilities that release any of the 650 TRI chemicals. Total childhood cancer cases and childhood cancer rate (age 0-14 years) by county, for the years 1995-2003 were used from the Texas cancer registry, available at the Texas department of State Health Services website. Setting: This study was limited to the children population of the State of Texas. ^ Method. Analysis was done using Stata version 9 and SPSS version 15.0. Satscan was used for geographical spatial clustering of childhood cancer cases based on county centroids using the Poisson clustering algorithm which adjusts for population density. Pictorial maps were created using MapInfo professional version 8.0. ^ Results. One hundred and twenty five counties had no TRI facilities in their region, while 129 facilities had at least one TRI facility. An increasing trend for number of facilities and total disposal was observed except for the highest category based on cancer rate quartiles. Linear regression analysis using log transformation for number of facilities and total disposal in predicting cancer rates was computed, however both these variables were not found to be significant predictors. Seven significant geographical spatial clusters of counties for high childhood cancer rates (p<0.05) were indicated. Binomial logistic regression by categorizing the cancer rate in to two groups (<=150 and >150) indicated an odds ratio of 1.58 (CI 1.127, 2.222) for the natural log of number of facilities. ^ Conclusion. We have used a unique methodology by combining GIS and spatial clustering techniques with existing statistical approaches in examining the association between living in proximity to TRI facilities and the incidence of childhood cancer in the State of Texas. Although a concrete association was not indicated, further studies are required examining specific TRI chemicals. Use of this information can enable the researchers and public to identify potential concerns, gain a better understanding of potential risks, and work with industry and government to reduce toxic chemical use, disposal or other releases and the risks associated with them. TRI data, in conjunction with other information, can be used as a starting point in evaluating exposures and risks. ^

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Background. The Cypress Creek is one of the main tributaries of Lake Houston, which provides drinking water to 21.4 million customers. Furthermore, the watershed is being utilized for contact and non-contact recreation, such as canoeing, swimming, hiking trail, and picnics. Water along the creek is impacted by numerous wastewater outfalls from both point and non-point sources. As the creek flows into Lake Houston, it carries both organic and inorganic contaminants that may affect the drinking water quality of this important water source reservoir. Objective. This study was carried out to evaluate the inorganic chemical load of the water in Cypress Creek along its entire length, from the headwaters in Waller County and up to the drainage into Lake Houston. The purpose was to determine whether there are hazardous concentrations of metals in the water and what would be the likely sources. Method. Samples were collected at 29 sites along the creek and analyzed for 29 metals, 17 of which were on the Environmental Protection Agency priority pollution list. Public access sites primarily at bridges were used for sample collection. Samples were transported on ice to the University Of Texas School Of Public Health laboratory, spiked with 2 ml HNO3 kept overnight in the refrigerator, and the following day transported to the EPA laboratory for analysis. Analysis was done by EPA Method 200.7-ICP, Method 200.8ICP/MS and Method 245.1-CVAAS. Results. Metals were present above the detection limits at 65% of sites. Concentrations of aluminum, iron, sodium, potassium, magnesium, and calcium, were particularly high at all sites. Aluminum, sodium, and iron concentrations greatly exceeded the EPA secondary drinking water standards at all sites. ^ Conclusion. The recreational water along Cypress Creek is impacted by wastewater from both permitted and non-permitted outfalls, which deposit inorganic substances into the water. Although a number of inorganic contaminants were present in the water, toxic metals regulated by the EPA were mostly below the recommended limits. However, high concentrations of aluminum, sodium, and iron in the Cypress Creek bring forward the issue of unauthorized discharges of salt water from mining, as well as industrial and domestic wastewater.^

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The federal regulatory regime for addressing airborne toxic pollutants functions fairly well in most of the country. However, it has proved deficient in addressing local risk issues, especially in urban areas with densely concentrated sources. The problem is especially pronounced in Houston, which is home to one of the world's biggest petrochemical complexes and a major port, both located near a large metropolitan center. Despite the fact that local government's role in regulating air toxics is typically quite limited, from 2004-2009, the City of Houston implemented a novel municipality-based air toxics reduction strategy. The initiatives ranged from voluntary agreements to litigation and legislation. This case study considers why the city chose the policy tools it did, how the tools performed relative to the designers' intentions, and how the debate among actors with conflicting values and goals shaped the policy landscape. The city's unconventional approach to controlling hazardous air pollution has not yet been examined rigorously. The case study was developed through reviews of publicly available documents and quasi-public documents obtained through public record requests, as well as interviews with key informants. The informants represented a range of experience and perspectives. They included current and former public officials at the city (including Mayor White), former Texas Commission on Environmental Quality staff, faculty at local universities, industry representatives, and environmental public health advocates. Some of the city's tools were successful in meeting their designers' intent, some were less successful. Ultimately, even those tools that did not achieve their stated purpose were nonetheless successful in bringing attention and resources to the air quality issue. Through a series of pleas and prods, the city managed to draw attention to the problem locally and get reluctant policymakers at higher levels of government to respond. This work demonstrates the potential for local government to overcome limitations in the federal regulatory regime for air toxics control, shifting the balance of local, state, and federal initiative. It also highlights the importance of flexible, cooperative strategies in local environmental protection.^

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There is scant evidence regarding the associations between ambient levels of combustion pollutants and small for gestational age (SGA) infants. No studies of this type have been completed in the Southern United States. The main objective of the project presented was to determine associations between combustion pollutants and SGA infants in Texas using three different exposure assessments. ^ Birth certificate data that contained information on maternal and infant characteristics were obtained from the Texas Department of State Health Services (TX DSHS). Exposure assessment data for the three aims came from: (1) U.S. Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) National Air Toxics Assessment (NATA), (2) U.S. EPA Air Quality System (AQS), and (3) TX Department of Transportation (DOT), respectively. Multiple logistic regression models were used to determine the associations between combustion pollutants and SGA. ^ For the first study looked at annual estimates of four air toxics at the census tract level in the Greater Houston Area. After controlling for maternal race, maternal education, tobacco use, maternal age, number of prenatal visits, marital status, maternal weight gain, and median census tract income level, adjusted ORs and 95% confidence intervals (CI) for exposure to PAHs (per 10 ng/m3), naphthalene (per 10 ng/m3), benzene (per 1 µg/m3), and diesel engine emissions (per 10 µg/m3) were 1.01 (0.97–1.05), 1.00 (0.99–1.01), 1.01 (0.97–1.05), and 1.08 (0.95–1.23) respectively. For the second study looking at Hispanics in El Paso County, AORs and 95% confidence intervals (CI) for increases of 5 ng/m3 for the sum of carcinogenic PAHs (Σ c-PAHs), 1 ng/m3 of benzo[a]pyrene, and 100 ng/m3 in naphthalene during the third trimester of pregnancy were 1.02 (0.97–1.07), 1.03 (0.96–1.11), and 1.01 (0.97–1.06), respectively. For the third study using maternal proximity to major roadways as the exposure metric, there was a negative association with increasing distance from a maternal residence to the nearest major roadway (Odds Ratio (OR) = 0.96; 95% CI = 0.94–0.97) per 1000 m); however, once adjusted for covariates this effect was no longer significant (AOR = 0.98; 95% CI = 0.96–1.00). There was no association with distance weighted traffic density (DWTD). ^ This project is the first to look at SGA and combustion pollutants in the Southern United States with three different exposure metrics. Although there was no evidence of associations found between SGA and the air pollutants mentioned in these studies, the results contribute to the body of literature assessing maternal exposure to ambient air pollution and adverse birth outcomes. ^

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Habiéndose instalado como principio operativo hegemónico a nivel mundial, la perspectiva del desarrollo sustentable rige actualmente las políticas medioambientales en Argentina. La gestión integral de residuos sólidos urbanos (GIRSU) es consecuente con la idea de compatibilidad entre conservación del medio ambiente y crecimiento económico que postula el desarrollo sustentable. La Estrategia Nacional que busca instalarla en el país menciona una serie de fases dentro de las cuales se encuentra la segregación en origen. Por lo tanto, el programa de Separación de basura en origen implementado por la Municipalidad de La Plata desde 2008, parecería responder a dicha propuesta. Sin embargo, la ausencia de un marco normativo correspondiente y de una política que contemple la totalidad de las etapas de gestión de la basura, hacen del programa una fase operativa desvinculada del proceso global de GIRSU. Entonces, partiendo del enfoque conceptual de la Sociología Medioambiental, esta investigación busca dar cuenta del posicionamiento actual de la población respecto de la cuestión del medio ambiente y del RSU a través de reconocer las opiniones, actitudes y prácticas de los ciudadanos de La Plata en torno al ambiente en general y al RSU en particular en el marco del programa de separación de basura en origen. Mediante la indagación de la opinión pública a través de un cuestionario semiestructurado, se llega a la conclusión de que existe entre la población de La Plata un alto conocimiento aunque escasa participación en el Programa de Separación de Basura en Origen. Sin embargo, el alto porcentaje de población que realiza un tipo alternativo de segregación de basura domiciliaria, demuestra una fuerte predisposición entre la población frente a dicha práctica. Por otro lado, si bien la población sostiene un discurso y unas prácticas altamente conservacionistas, los 3 mismos no implican necesariamente una conciencia y prácticas activas de índole conservacionista, no existiendo un activismo conservacionista propiamente dicho

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Habiéndose instalado como principio operativo hegemónico a nivel mundial, la perspectiva del desarrollo sustentable rige actualmente las políticas medioambientales en Argentina. La gestión integral de residuos sólidos urbanos (GIRSU) es consecuente con la idea de compatibilidad entre conservación del medio ambiente y crecimiento económico que postula el desarrollo sustentable. La Estrategia Nacional que busca instalarla en el país menciona una serie de fases dentro de las cuales se encuentra la segregación en origen. Por lo tanto, el programa de Separación de basura en origen implementado por la Municipalidad de La Plata desde 2008, parecería responder a dicha propuesta. Sin embargo, la ausencia de un marco normativo correspondiente y de una política que contemple la totalidad de las etapas de gestión de la basura, hacen del programa una fase operativa desvinculada del proceso global de GIRSU. Entonces, partiendo del enfoque conceptual de la Sociología Medioambiental, esta investigación busca dar cuenta del posicionamiento actual de la población respecto de la cuestión del medio ambiente y del RSU a través de reconocer las opiniones, actitudes y prácticas de los ciudadanos de La Plata en torno al ambiente en general y al RSU en particular en el marco del programa de separación de basura en origen. Mediante la indagación de la opinión pública a través de un cuestionario semiestructurado, se llega a la conclusión de que existe entre la población de La Plata un alto conocimiento aunque escasa participación en el Programa de Separación de Basura en Origen. Sin embargo, el alto porcentaje de población que realiza un tipo alternativo de segregación de basura domiciliaria, demuestra una fuerte predisposición entre la población frente a dicha práctica. Por otro lado, si bien la población sostiene un discurso y unas prácticas altamente conservacionistas, los 3 mismos no implican necesariamente una conciencia y prácticas activas de índole conservacionista, no existiendo un activismo conservacionista propiamente dicho

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Habiéndose instalado como principio operativo hegemónico a nivel mundial, la perspectiva del desarrollo sustentable rige actualmente las políticas medioambientales en Argentina. La gestión integral de residuos sólidos urbanos (GIRSU) es consecuente con la idea de compatibilidad entre conservación del medio ambiente y crecimiento económico que postula el desarrollo sustentable. La Estrategia Nacional que busca instalarla en el país menciona una serie de fases dentro de las cuales se encuentra la segregación en origen. Por lo tanto, el programa de Separación de basura en origen implementado por la Municipalidad de La Plata desde 2008, parecería responder a dicha propuesta. Sin embargo, la ausencia de un marco normativo correspondiente y de una política que contemple la totalidad de las etapas de gestión de la basura, hacen del programa una fase operativa desvinculada del proceso global de GIRSU. Entonces, partiendo del enfoque conceptual de la Sociología Medioambiental, esta investigación busca dar cuenta del posicionamiento actual de la población respecto de la cuestión del medio ambiente y del RSU a través de reconocer las opiniones, actitudes y prácticas de los ciudadanos de La Plata en torno al ambiente en general y al RSU en particular en el marco del programa de separación de basura en origen. Mediante la indagación de la opinión pública a través de un cuestionario semiestructurado, se llega a la conclusión de que existe entre la población de La Plata un alto conocimiento aunque escasa participación en el Programa de Separación de Basura en Origen. Sin embargo, el alto porcentaje de población que realiza un tipo alternativo de segregación de basura domiciliaria, demuestra una fuerte predisposición entre la población frente a dicha práctica. Por otro lado, si bien la población sostiene un discurso y unas prácticas altamente conservacionistas, los 3 mismos no implican necesariamente una conciencia y prácticas activas de índole conservacionista, no existiendo un activismo conservacionista propiamente dicho

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The current research questioned whether public opinion on enlargement can be adequately explained only by economic calculation and cultural/community identity. When the analytical viewpoint was expanded from the conventional individual level to state level, it was revealed that constructivist considerations-such as the democratization and reunification of Europe-play a critical role in pushing forward enlargement. Drawing on the perspective of international relations, this study introduced a synthetic model to analyze public opinion on enlargement in the EU's 15 old member states. The analysis using a Eurobarometer dataset showed that on public support for enlargement, constructivist attitudes held as much sway as cultural/community attitudes. In fact, expectations of democratization were the most important determinant of support for enlargement in the case of Turkey.

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After the 10th Iranian Presidential election on June 12, 2009, several public opinion polls taken in Iran attracted the attention of policy-makers and journalists around the world because of the political crisis that followed. In this paper I first review critically the polls conducted by the WPO (WorldPublicOpinion.org), PIPA (Program on International Policy Attitudes) at the University of Maryland. I also review an essay by Steven Kull, which is based on the aforementioned poll results and which in my opinion leads to false conclusions concerning Iran’s political prospects. I also discuss “An Analysis of Multiple Polls of the Iranian Public,” published by WPO-PIPA on February 3 2010. The present paper arrives at the overall conclusion that it is impossible to obtain an accurate image of political opinions in societies as complicated as that of Iran by concentrating on only one technique of research and analysis, especially when the political and social situation in the society concerned is in a state of constant flux.

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In 2003 the Restriction of Hazardous Substances (RoHS) was established in the EU, which limited the trade of machinery, electrical and electronic equipment that have at least one of the substances considered hazardous under RoHS directive. Since countries trading with the EU must comply with this new regulation, it is expected a decrease in value of imports to the EU. In this paper, it is followed the procedures used in Heckman (1979), as well as the extended procedure suggested by Helpman, Melitz, and Rubinstein (2008) to ascertain the effects on the persistence of trade and values of trade.