911 resultados para Brazilian Foreign Policy Analysis


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The question of why most health policies do not achieve their intended results continues to receive a considerable attention in the literature. This is in the light of the recognized gap between policy as intent and policy as practice, which calls for substantial research work to understand the factors that improve policy implementation. Although there is substantial work that explains the reasons why policies achieve or fail to achieve their intended outcomes, there are limited case studies that illustrate how to analyze policies from the methodological perspective. In this article, we report and discuss how a mixed qualitative research method was applied for analyzing maternal and child health policies in Malawi. For the purposes of this article, we do not report research findings; instead we focus our dicussion on the methodology of the study and draw lessons for policy analysis research work. We base our disusssion on our experiences from a study in which we analyzed maternal and child health policies in Malawi over the period from 1964 to 2008. Noting the multifaceted nature of maternal and child health policies, we adopted a mixed qualitative research method, whereby a number of data collection methods were employed. This approach allowed for the capturing of different perspectives of maternal and child health policies in Malawi and for strengthening of the weaknesses of each method, especially in terms of data validity. This research suggested that the multidimensional nature of maternal and child health policies, like other health policies, calls for a combination of research designs as well as a variety of methods of data collection and analysis. In addition, we suggest that, as an emerging research field, health policy analysis will benefit more from case study designs because they provide rich experiences in the actual policy context.

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Neste trabalho avaliamos os resultados macroeconômicos recentes da economia brasileira por meio de um instrumental analítico baseado em uma extensão geométrica e algébrica do artigo seminal de Kaldor (1971), que levou à criação do quadrado mágico. Essa abordagem permite a comparação do desempenho pré-crise (2007-2008) e durante a crise (2009-2010). Nossa análise levanta algumas dúvidas sobre as medidas de política econômica adotadas na busca por contornar a presente crise e reduzir obstáculos estruturais no processo de desenvolvimento econômico no Brasil. Concluímos que a complexidade da gestão macroeconômica tem sido subestimada. No que tange às estratégias econômicas, nossa abordagem está centrada na controvérsia entre export-led growth vs consumption-led growth. _________________________________________________________________________________ RESUMEN

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Brazilian Housing policy has always promoted homeownership. In 1999, a new form of housing promotion was set up in the country with the PAR (Programa de Arrendamento Residencial, or residential rental programme). This is a sort of leasing, in which a right to buy is granted at the end of contract. Again, with this, the final objective is homeownership. This dissertation aims at further understanding the role of PAR in the wake of the country s housing policies of the post-BNH period, analysing the case of João Pessoa, capital city of Paraíba state. By focusing in the city, it has been possible to analyse also the impact of the programme in the dynamics of the city s urban development. Accordingly, the analysis of PAR seeks to understand the programme s operational aspects as well as its location, urban and architectural aspects. The operational aspects refer to how the programme is operated, considering the differences to the other housing programmes in the country. The urban and architectural aspects refer to location, typology and construction characteristics of housing estates produced under the scheme. This study gives a general view of the country s recent housing policy and programmes and the specific characteristics of PAR, observing also its impacts in the city development

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320 p.

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Dissertação (mestrado)—Universidade de Brasília, Faculdade de Direito, Programa de Pós-Graduação Stricto Sensu em Direito, 2016.

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This research deals with the evaluation of the Programa do Governo Federal para Urbanização de Favelas Habitar Brasil(1993) carried out in the Africa slum - Redinha neighbourhood in Natal-Rn. This study carried out in period from 2005 to 2006 searches to identify the effects of the actions proposed by Program in 1993-1994 about the current urbanistic configuration of the Africa community. It analyzes the effectiveness in the process of achievement of the considered objectives to habitation, communitity equipments, infrastructure and agrarian regularization. On the evaluation process, it has been as reference the works developed by Adauto Cardoso (2004), Blaine Worthen (2004), Ronaldo Garcia (2001) and Rosângela Paz (2006). About the Habitational Policy with approach to the Urbanistic Right and the right to the housing, the reflections by Raquel Rolnik, Nabil Bonduki, Ermínia Maricato, Saule Júnior, Betânia de Moraes Alfonsin and Edésio Fernandes are main references. To gauge the execution of the objectives proposed by Habitar Brasil in 1993, it has searched in the documentary data of the time and in information gotten in interviews with technicians that had participated of the program, consistent references on what was considered, what was executed and the process of the intervention of Habitar Brasil in the Africa community. The area analysis in 2005-2006 has developed on the base of the urbanistic survey of the current situation from the four performance lines of the Program: habitation, infrastructure, community equipments and agrarian regularization, with a current urbanistic evaluation of Africa considering the intervention carried out in 1993 and 1994. The study points out the context of Brazilian Habitational Policy where the Programa Habitar Brasil was launched, explaining the main principles of the Program. In terms of local, it empahsizes the administrative-political factors that had contributed so that Natal-Rn city has been pioneering in the resources captation of Habitar Brazil (1993). Considering Habitar Brazil in Africa, the work argues and presents the intervention diagnosis and the proposal, developed by Program in 1993 evidencing the local problem of the time. After that, it makes a current reading of the area, identifying in 2006 representative elements of Habitar Brasil (1993-1994) for the Africa community. It identifies significant advances in the constitution of the institucional apparatus of the plaining system of Habitation of Social Interest for the city of Natal and points the fragilities in the implementation of the urban infrastructure actions and above all in the achievement of the objectives of the agrarian regularization

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La mission canadienne en Afghanistan constitue la plus longue intervention étrangère de l'histoire du pays et a été marquée par un effort important dans la province de Kandahar depuis 2006. Aujourd'hui, il s'avère que la mission à Kandahar présente des échecs importants. Afin d'appréhender la nature de ces échecs, ce travail propose des pistes de réflexions pour améliorer notre compréhension face à cet enjeu. Pour ce faire, le mémoire se questionne à savoir dans quelle mesure le Canada a-t-il respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine au sein de sa mission à Kandahar? La mission britannique dans la province de Helmand en Afghanistan est également utilisée comme outil de comparaison. En guise d'hypothèse, il est proposé que le Canada n'a pas respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine et que cela pourrait contribuer à la compréhension des échecs de la mission à Kandahar. D'abord, les bilans détaillés de ces missions sont présentés et il est démontré que la mission britannique a connu un meilleur bilan que la mission canadienne. Ensuite, à l'aide de la méthode de l'analyse de contenu et d'un codage, les missions canadiennes et britanniques sont analysées afin de déterminer leur correspondance respective face à l'approche de sécurité humaine. Les résultats démontrent que la mission britannique respecte l'approche de sécurité humaine de façon plus importante que la mission canadienne. Finalement, une analyse documentaire propose des pistes de réflexions afin de comprendre en quoi ce déficit de sécurité humaine pourrait permettre d'expliquer les échecs de cette mission lors de futures recherches. Ce mémoire apporte donc deux conclusions. D'abord, la mission canadienne n'a pas respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine malgré le fait que le Canada ait affirmé l'avoir fait. De plus, il est clair que le non-respect de l'approche de sécurité humaine constitue une avenue intéressante afin de comprendre les insuccès canadiens.

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Early water resources modeling efforts were aimed mostly at representing hydrologic processes, but the need for interdisciplinary studies has led to increasing complexity and integration of environmental, social, and economic functions. The gradual shift from merely employing engineering-based simulation models to applying more holistic frameworks is an indicator of promising changes in the traditional paradigm for the application of water resources models, supporting more sustainable management decisions. This dissertation contributes to application of a quantitative-qualitative framework for sustainable water resources management using system dynamics simulation, as well as environmental systems analysis techniques to provide insights for water quality management in the Great Lakes basin. The traditional linear thinking paradigm lacks the mental and organizational framework for sustainable development trajectories, and may lead to quick-fix solutions that fail to address key drivers of water resources problems. To facilitate holistic analysis of water resources systems, systems thinking seeks to understand interactions among the subsystems. System dynamics provides a suitable framework for operationalizing systems thinking and its application to water resources problems by offering useful qualitative tools such as causal loop diagrams (CLD), stock-and-flow diagrams (SFD), and system archetypes. The approach provides a high-level quantitative-qualitative modeling framework for "big-picture" understanding of water resources systems, stakeholder participation, policy analysis, and strategic decision making. While quantitative modeling using extensive computer simulations and optimization is still very important and needed for policy screening, qualitative system dynamics models can improve understanding of general trends and the root causes of problems, and thus promote sustainable water resources decision making. Within the system dynamics framework, a growth and underinvestment (G&U) system archetype governing Lake Allegan's eutrophication problem was hypothesized to explain the system's problematic behavior and identify policy leverage points for mitigation. A system dynamics simulation model was developed to characterize the lake's recovery from its hypereutrophic state and assess a number of proposed total maximum daily load (TMDL) reduction policies, including phosphorus load reductions from point sources (PS) and non-point sources (NPS). It was shown that, for a TMDL plan to be effective, it should be considered a component of a continuous sustainability process, which considers the functionality of dynamic feedback relationships between socio-economic growth, land use change, and environmental conditions. Furthermore, a high-level simulation-optimization framework was developed to guide watershed scale BMP implementation in the Kalamazoo watershed. Agricultural BMPs should be given priority in the watershed in order to facilitate cost-efficient attainment of the Lake Allegan's TP concentration target. However, without adequate support policies, agricultural BMP implementation may adversely affect the agricultural producers. Results from a case study of the Maumee River basin show that coordinated BMP implementation across upstream and downstream watersheds can significantly improve cost efficiency of TP load abatement.

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By employing interpretive policy analysis this thesis aims to assess, measure, and explain policy capacity for government and non-government organizations involved in reclaiming Alberta's oil sands. Using this type of analysis to assess policy capacity is a novel approach for understanding reclamation policy; and therefore, this research will provide a unique contribution to the literature surrounding reclamation policy. The oil sands region in northeast Alberta, Canada is an area of interest for a few reasons; primarily because of the vast reserves of bitumen and the environmental cost associated with developing this resource. An increase in global oil demand has established incentive for industry to seek out and develop new reserves. Alberta's oil sands are one of the largest remaining reserves in the world, and there is significant interest in increasing production in this region. Furthermore, tensions in several oil exporting nations in the Middle East remain unresolved, and this has garnered additional support for a supply side solution to North American oil demands. This solution relies upon the development of reserves in both the United States and Canada. These compounding factors have contributed to the increased development in the oil sands of northeastern Alberta. Essentially, a rapid expansion of oil sands operations is ongoing, and is the source of significant disturbance across the region. This disturbance, and the promises of reclamation, is a source of contentious debates amongst stakeholders and continues to be highly visible in the media. If oil sands operations are to retain their social license to operate, it is critical that reclamation efforts be effective. One concern non-governmental organizations (NGOs) expressed criticizes the current monitoring and enforcement of regulatory programs in the oil sands. Alberta's NGOs have suggested the data made available to them originates from industrial sources, and is generally unchecked by government. In an effort to discern the overall status of reclamation in the oil sands this study explores several factors essential to policy capacity: work environment, training, employee attitudes, perceived capacity, policy tools, evidence based work, and networking. Data was collected through key informant interviews with senior policy professionals in government and non-government agencies in Alberta. The following are agencies of interest in this research: Canadian Association of Petroleum Producers (CAPP); Alberta Environment and Sustainable Resource Development (AESRD); Alberta Energy Regulator (AER); Cumulative Environmental Management Association (CEMA); Alberta Environment Monitoring, Evaluation, and Reporting Agency (AEMERA); Wood Buffalo Environmental Association (WBEA). The aim of this research is to explain how and why reclamation policy is conducted in Alberta's oil sands. This will illuminate government capacity, NGO capacity, and the interaction of these two agency typologies. In addition to answering research questions, another goal of this project is to show interpretive analysis of policy capacity can be used to measure and predict policy effectiveness. The oil sands of Alberta will be the focus of this project, however, future projects could focus on any government policy scenario utilizing evidence-based approaches.

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This dissertation examined the formation of Japanese identity politics after World War II. Since World War II, Japan has had to deal with a contradictory image of its national self. On the one hand, as a nation responsible for colonizing fellow Asian countries in the 1930s and 1940s, Japan has struggled with an image/identity as a regional aggressor. On the other hand, having faced the harsh realities of defeat after the war, Japan has seen itself depicted as a victim. By employing the technique of discourse analysis as a way to study identity formation through official foreign policy documents and news media narratives, this study reconceptualized Japanese foreign policy as a set of discursive practices that attempt to produce renewed images of Japan’s national self. The dissertation employed case studies to analyze two key sites of Japanese postwar identity formation: (1) the case of Okinawa, an island/territory integral to postwar relations between Japan and the United States and marked by a series of US military rapes of native Okinawan girls; and (2) the case of comfort women in Japan and East Asia, which has led to Japan being blamed for its wartime sexual enslavement of Asian women. These case studies found that it was through coping with the haunting ghost of its wartime past that Japan sought to produce “postwar Japan” as an identity distinct from “wartime imperial Japan” or from “defeated, emasculated Japan” and, thus, hoped to emerge as a “reborn” moral and pacifist nation. The research showed that Japan struggled to invent a new self in a way that mobilized gendered dichotomies and, furthermore, created “others” who were not just spatially located (the United States, Asian neighboring nations) but also temporally marked (“old Japan”). The dissertation concluded that Japanese foreign policy is an ongoing struggle to define the Japanese national self vis-à-vis both spatial and historical “others,” and that, consequently, postwar Japan has always been haunted by its past self, no matter how much Japan’s foreign policy discourses were trying to make this past self into a distant or forgotten other.

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China’s emergence as an economic powerhouse has often been portrayed as threatening to America’s economic strength and to its very identity as “the global hegemon.” The media’s alarmist response to an economic competitor is familiar to those who remember US-Japanese relations in the 1980s. In order to better understand the basis of American threat perception, this study explores the independent and interactive impact of three variables (perceptions of the Other’s capabilities, perceptions of the Other as a threat versus as an opportunity, and perceptions of the Other’s political culture) on attitudes toward two different economic competitors (Japan 1977-1995 and China 1985-2011). Utilizing four methods (historical process tracing, public polling data analysis, social scientific experimentation, and content analysis), this study demonstrates that increases in the Other’s economic capabilities have a much smaller impact on attitudes than is commonly believed. It further shows that while perceptions of threat/opportunity played a significant role in shaping attitudinal response toward Japan, perceptions of political culture are the most important factor driving attitudes toward China today. This study contributes to a better understanding of how states react to threats and construct negative images of their economic rivals. It also helps to explain the current Sino-American relationship and enables better predictions as to its potential future course. Finally, these findings contribute to cultural explanations of the democratic peace phenomenon and provide a boundary condition (political culture) for the liberal proposition that opportunity ameliorates conflict in the economic realm.

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Since the end of the Cold War, Japan’s defense policy and politics has gone through significant changes. Throughout the post cold war period, US-Japan alliance managers, politicians with differing visions and preferences, scholars, think tanks, and the actions of foreign governments have all played significant roles in influencing these changes. Along with these actors, the Japanese prime minister has played an important, if sometimes subtle, role in the realm of defense policy and politics. Japanese prime ministers, though significantly weaker than many heads of state, nevertheless play an important role in policy by empowering different actors (bureaucratic actors, independent commissions, or civil actors), through personal diplomacy, through agenda-setting, and through symbolic acts of state. The power of the prime minister to influence policy processes, however, has frequently varied by prime minister. My dissertation investigates how different political strategies and entrepreneurial insights by the prime minister have influenced defense policy and politics since the end of the Cold War. In addition, it seeks to explain how the quality of political strategy and entrepreneurial insight employed by different prime ministers was important in the success of different approaches to defense. My dissertation employs a comparative case study approach to examine how different prime ministerial strategies have mattered in the realm of Japanese defense policy and politics. Three prime ministers have been chosen: Prime Minister Hashimoto Ryutaro (1996-1998); Prime Minister Koizumi Junichiro (2001-2006); and Prime Minister Hatoyama Yukio (2009-2010). These prime ministers have been chosen to provide maximum contrast on issues of policy preference, cabinet management, choice of partners, and overall strategy. As my dissertation finds, the quality of political strategy has been an important aspect of Japan’s defense transformation. Successful strategies have frequently used the knowledge and accumulated personal networks of bureaucrats, supplemented bureaucratic initiatives with top-down personal diplomacy, and used a revitalized US-Japan strategic relationship as a political resource for a stronger prime ministership. Though alternative approaches, such as those that have looked to displace the influence of bureaucrats and the US in defense policy, have been less successful, this dissertation also finds theoretical evidence that alternatives may exist.

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The Lisbon treaty afforded the European Parliament (EP) increased powers in foreign policy. These have included new legislative competences in the area of international agreements or the European Union’s (EU) relations with third party states. This article analyses the way the last mandate of the EP, which was the first to benefit from the changes introduced by the Lisbon treaty, framed EU foreign policy. More specifically, it explores the way in which the EP strategically framed the EU’s approach towards the neighbourhood countries. The focus on the neighbourhood is justified by the fact that it is the most salient area of the EU’s foreign policy. The article shows that the EP pushed for the EU to have a stronger presence in the neighbourhood. The EP also strategically aimed that it should have a more central role in shaping the EU’s approach towards the neighbourhood.

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La mission canadienne en Afghanistan constitue la plus longue intervention étrangère de l'histoire du pays et a été marquée par un effort important dans la province de Kandahar depuis 2006. Aujourd'hui, il s'avère que la mission à Kandahar présente des échecs importants. Afin d'appréhender la nature de ces échecs, ce travail propose des pistes de réflexions pour améliorer notre compréhension face à cet enjeu. Pour ce faire, le mémoire se questionne à savoir dans quelle mesure le Canada a-t-il respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine au sein de sa mission à Kandahar? La mission britannique dans la province de Helmand en Afghanistan est également utilisée comme outil de comparaison. En guise d'hypothèse, il est proposé que le Canada n'a pas respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine et que cela pourrait contribuer à la compréhension des échecs de la mission à Kandahar. D'abord, les bilans détaillés de ces missions sont présentés et il est démontré que la mission britannique a connu un meilleur bilan que la mission canadienne. Ensuite, à l'aide de la méthode de l'analyse de contenu et d'un codage, les missions canadiennes et britanniques sont analysées afin de déterminer leur correspondance respective face à l'approche de sécurité humaine. Les résultats démontrent que la mission britannique respecte l'approche de sécurité humaine de façon plus importante que la mission canadienne. Finalement, une analyse documentaire propose des pistes de réflexions afin de comprendre en quoi ce déficit de sécurité humaine pourrait permettre d'expliquer les échecs de cette mission lors de futures recherches. Ce mémoire apporte donc deux conclusions. D'abord, la mission canadienne n'a pas respecté l'approche de sécurité humaine malgré le fait que le Canada ait affirmé l'avoir fait. De plus, il est clair que le non-respect de l'approche de sécurité humaine constitue une avenue intéressante afin de comprendre les insuccès canadiens.

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The present study explores EUropean geopolitical agency in a distinct spatio-temporal context: the Arctic region of the early 21st century. Thus, it provides an in-depth analysis of the European Union’s process to construct EUropean legitimacy and credibility in its ‘Northern Neighbourhood’ between 2008 and 2014. Embedded in a conceptual and methodological framework using critical geopolitics, this study assesses the strategic policy reasoning of the EU and the implicit geopolitical discourses that guide and determine a particular line of argumentation so as to claim a ‘legitimate’ role in the Arctic and accordingly construct a distinct ‘EUropean Arctic space’. In doing so, it establishes a clearer picture on the (narrated) regional interests of the EU and the related developed policy and concrete steps taken in order to get hold of these interests. Eventually, the analysis gets to the conceptual bottom of what exactly fashioned the EU with geopolitical agency in the circumpolar North. As a complementary explanation, this study provides a thick description of the area under scrutiny – the Arctic region – in order to explicate the systemic context that conditioned the EU’s regional demeanour and action. Elucidated along the lines of Arctic history and identity, rights, interests and responsibility, it delineates the emergence of the Arctic as a region of and for geopolitics. The findings indicate that the sui generis character of the Arctic as EUropean neighbourhood essentially determined the EU’s regional performance. It explicates that the Union’s ‘traditional’ geopolitical models of civilian or normative power got entangled in a fluid state of Arctic affairs: a distinct regional system, characterised by few strong state actors with pronounced national Arctic interests and identities, and an indefinite local context of environmental changes, economic uncertainties and social challenges. This study applies critical geopolitics in a Political Science context and essentially contributes to a broader understanding of EU foreign policy construction and behaviour. Ultimately, it offers an interdisciplinary approach on how to analyse EU external action by explicitly taking into account the internal and external social processes that ultimately condition a certain EUropean foreign policy performance.