777 resultados para ADMINISTRACION UNIVERSITARIA - COLOMBIA - INFORMES
Resumo:
Studies on terrorism have traditionally focused on non-state actors who direct violence against liberal states. These studies also tend to focus on political motivations and, therefore, have neglected the economic functions of terrorism. This article challenges the divorce of the political and economic spheres by highlighting how states can use terrorism to realise interconnected political and economic goals. To demonstrate this, we take the case of the paramilitary demobilisation process in Colombia and show how it relates to the US-Colombian free trade agreement. We argue that the demobilisation process fulfils a dual role. First, the process aims to improve the image of the Colombian government required to pass the controversial free trade agreement through US Congress to protect large amounts of US investment in the country. Second, the demobilisation process serves to mask clear continuities in paramilitary terror that serve mutually supportive political and economic functions for US investment in Colombia.
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The conventional wisdom in the transitional justice literature is that there is no one-size-fits-all approach. This article suggests that this may also be true within a given state. The current paper reports on quantitative and qualitative data from 184 participants in a survey conducted in the Caribbean coast of Colombia. Results suggest widespread support for transitional justice mechanisms – such as perpetrator accountability, public acknowledgement and structural change – but dissatisfaction with national-level initiatives, specifically the 2005 Justice and Peace Law. Yet, despite a distrust of the national government and protracted conflict, individuals report social trust, community cohesion and reliance on local government institutions. These attitudes and behaviours suggest that decentralised transitional justice mechanisms may be more effective in meeting victims' needs. Moreover, analyses indicate that individual preferences are influenced by community factors, such as the presence of demobilised paramilitaries, which can be addressed through more localised approaches to promote peacebuilding. The paper concludes with best practices derived from the findings.
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This chapter explores the responsibility of armed non-state actors for reparations to victims. Traditionally international law has focused on the responsibility of the state, and more recently the responsibility of convicted individuals before the International Criminal Court, to provide reparations for international crimes. Yet despite the prevalence of internal armed conflict over the past few decades, there responsibility of armed groups for reparations has been neglected in international law. Although there is a tentative emerging basis for armed groups to provide reparations under international law, such developments have not yet crystallized into hard law. However, when considering the more substantive practice of states in Northern Ireland, Colombia and Uganda, a greater effort can be discerned in ensuring that such organizations are responsible for reparations. This paper finds that not only can armed non-state actors be held collectively responsible for reparations, but due to the growing number of internal armed conflict they can play an important role in ensuring the effectiveness of reparations in remedying victims’ harm. Yet, finding armed groups responsible for reparations is no panacea for accountability, due to the nature of armed conflicts, responsibility may not be distinct, but overlapping and joint, and such groups may face difficulties in meeting their obligations, thus requiring a holistic approach and subsidiary role for the state.
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Civic participation is important for peacebuilding and democratic development; however, the role of mental health has been largely overlooked by policymakers aiming to stimulate engagement in civil society. This study investigated antecedents of civic participation in Colombia, a setting of protracted political conflict, using bootstrapped mediation in path analysis. Past exposure to violence, experience with community antisocial behavior, and perceived social trust were all significantly related to civic participation. In addition, depression mediated the impact of past exposure to political violence and perceived social trust, but not community antisocial behavior, on civic participation. In this context, findings challenged depictions of helpless victims and instead suggested that when facing greater risk (past violence exposure and community antisocial behavior), individuals responded in constructive ways, taking on agency in their communities. Social trust in one’s neighbors and community also facilitated deeper engagement in civic life. Relevant to the mediation test, interventions aiming to increase civic participation should take mental health into account. Limitations and possible future research are discussed.
Resumo:
Given the increase of reconciliation processes initiated amid on-going violence, this study focuses on community reconciliation and its relation to structural transformation, or social reconstruction through reforming unjust institutions and practices that facilitate protracted violent conflict. Drawing lessons from the Caribbean coast of Colombia, mixed method analyses include eight in-depth interviews and 184 surveys. Four key dimensions of reconciliation – truth, justice, mercy, peace – are examined. In the interviews, participants prioritize reconstructing the truth and bringing perpetrators to justice as essential aspects of reconciliation. Notions of mercy and forgiveness are less apparent. For the participants, sustainable peace is dependent on structural transformation to improve livelihoods. These data, however, do not indicate how this understanding of reconciliation may relate to individual participation in reconciliation processes. Complementing the qualitative data, quantitative analyses identify some broad patterns that relate to participation in reconciliation events. Compared to those who did not participate, individuals who engaged in reconciliation initiatives report higher levels of personal experience with violence, live alongside demobilized paramilitaries, are more engaged in civic life, and express greater preference for structural transformation. The paper concludes with policy implications that integrate reconciliation and structural transformation to deepen efforts to rebuild the social fabric amid violence.
Resumo:
El presente proyecto lo hemos realizado con la finalidad de determinar la factibilidad de la creación de una empresa productora y exportadora de tomate de árbol hacia Alemania. Empezamos con un Estudio de Mercado, en el cual determinamos que existe un mercado potencial, pese a que la demanda del tomate de árbol en los últimos cinco años ha sido variable, en su proyección se ha establecido que será creciente para los próximos años, esto nos da un primer indicio de que sería favorable el proyecto; los datos obtenidos de la oferta de esta fruta nos indican que las importaciones de tomate de árbol por parte de Alemania no presentan un gran volumen y los principales proveedores son Colombia y España. Con los datos anteriormente establecidos hemos determinado que la demanda insatisfecha presenta un volumen considerable y que pese a que nuestros principales competidores y nosotros presentemos un gran volumen de exportaciones futuras no se llegaría a cubrir en su totalidad dicha demanda, lo cual quiere decir que tenemos la oportunidad de llegar a este mercado y tener la posibilidad de aumentar nuestras exportaciones. Por las cualidades nutricionales del tomate de árbol hemos estimado que es un producto exportable; y que con los cuidados y controles necesarios podremos ingresar a un mercado exigente como es el de Alemania. Para su exportación se utilizarán cajas de cartón corrugado, que completamente empacadas tienen un peso de 2.5 kg.; y su precio de exportación será de 6,25 dólares el kg. Para dar a conocer nuestro producto participaremos en ferias promocionales. El canal de distribución que vamos a utilizar para nuestro producto es productor-importador.
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Libro que presenta estrategias pedagógicas para la educación inclusiva en las diferentes etapas educativas como preescolar, básica, media y universitaria.
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La revisión de los perfiles profesionales relacionados con la lengua de signos española y su formación es una de las acciones más relevantes del CNLSE, en sintonía con la Estrategia de Actuación 2011 – 2016 aprobada por el Consejo Rector del CNLSE y según lo dispuesto en la Ley 27/2007 en sus disposiciones adicionales cuarta y quinta. Dado el marco normativo, especialmente las mencionadas disposiciones, se crea una Comisión de Trabajo, coordinada por el Real Patronato sobre Discapacidad a través del CNLSE, a fin de realizar una propuesta básica de formación universitaria de intérpretes de lengua de signos española y guías intérpretes de personas sordociegas. Esta Comisión tiene como objeto de trabajo contribuir a la creación de un marco común de consenso que facilite la necesaria toma de decisiones por parte de los distintos agentes implicados con el fin de reubicar la formación de los profesionales de la interpretación de la lengua de signos española y guía interpretación de personas sordociegas dentro del sistema educativo español para responder ajustadamente a las necesidades de los usuarios, los profesionales y los agentes prestadores del servicio. Se elabora este documento al servicio de las universidades para que puedan incorporar estos planes de estudios, y con el ánimo de orientar el proceso de verificación por el Consejo de Universidades y a la Agencia Nacional de Evaluación de la Calidad y Acreditación (ANECA) o al correspondiente órgano de evaluación en la elaboración de su informe de evaluación, incluso para que sea tenido en cuenta por las administraciones educativas y su inscripción en el Registro de Universidades, Centros y Títulos (RUCT).
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The potential of online learning has long afforded the hope of providing quality education to anyone, anywhere in the world. The recent development of Massive Open Online Courses (MOOCs) heralded an exciting new breakthrough by providing free academic instruction and professional skills development from the world’s leading universities to anyone with the sufficient resources to access the internet. The research in Advancing MOOCs for Development Initiative study was designed to analyze the MOOC landscape in developing countries and to better understand the motivations of MOOC users and afford insights on the advantages and limitations of MOOCs for workforce development outcomes. The key findings of this study challenge commonly held beliefs about MOOC usage in developing countries, defying typical characterizations of how people in resource constrained settings use technology for learning and employment. In fact, some of the findings are so contrary to what has been reported in the U.S. and other developed environments that they raise new questions for further investigation.
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Colombia’s Internet connectivity has increased immensely. Colombia has also ‘opened for business’, leading to an influx of extractive projects to which social movements object heavily. Studies on the role of digital media in political mobilisation in developing countries are still scarce. Using surveys, interviews, and reviews of literature, policy papers, website and social media content, this study examines the role of digital and social media in social movement organisations and asks how increased digital connectivity can help spread knowledge and mobilise mining protests. Results show that the use of new media in Colombia is hindered by socioeconomic constraints, fear of oppression, the constraints of keyboard activism and strong hierarchical power structures within social movements. Hence, effects on political mobilisation are still limited. Social media do not spontaneously produce non-hierarchical knowledge structures. Attention to both internal and external knowledge sharing is therefore conditional to optimising digital and social media use.