907 resultados para THE DEMOCRATIC QUESTION


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The family of membrane protein called glutamate receptors play an important role in the central nervous system in mediating signaling between neurons. Glutamate receptors are involved in the elaborate game that nerve cells play with each other in order to control movement, memory, and learning. Neurons achieve this communication by rapidly converting electrical signals into chemical signals and then converting them back into electrical signals. To propagate an electrical impulse, neurons in the brain launch bursts of neurotransmitter molecules like glutamate at the junction between neurons, called the synapse. Glutamate receptors are found lodged in the membranes of the post-synaptic neuron. They receive the burst of neurotransmitters and respond by fielding the neurotransmitters and opening ion channels. Glutamate receptors have been implicated in a number of neuropathologies like ischemia, stroke and amyotrophic lateral sclerosis. Specifically, the NMDA subtype of glutamate receptors has been linked to the onset of Alzheimer’s disease and the subsequent degeneration of neuronal cells. While crystal structures of AMPA and kainate subtypes of glutamate receptors have provided valuable information regarding the assembly and mechanism of activation; little is known about the NMDA receptors. Even the basic question of receptor assembly still remains unanswered. Therefore, to gain a clear understanding of how the receptors are assembled and how agonist binding gets translated to channel opening, I have used a technique called Luminescence Resonance Energy Transfer (LRET). LRET offers the unique advantage of tracking large scale conformational changes associated with receptor activation and desensitization. In this dissertation, LRET, in combination with biochemical and electrophysiological studies, were performed on the NMDA receptors to draw a correlation between structure and function. NMDA receptor subtypes GluN1 and GluN2A were modified such that fluorophores could be introduced at specific sites to determine their pattern of assembly. The results indicated that the GluN1 subunits assembled across each other in a diagonal manner to form a functional receptor. Once the subunit arrangement was established, this was used as a model to further examine the mechanism of activation in this subtype of glutamate receptor. Using LRET, the correlation between cleft closure and activation was tested for both the GluN1 and GluN2A subunit of the NMDA receptor in response to agonists of varying efficacies. These investigations revealed that cleft closure plays a major role in the mechanism of activation in the NMDA receptor, similar to the AMPA and kainate subtypes. Therefore, suggesting that the mechanism of activation is conserved across the different subtypes of glutamate receptors.

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The Food and Drug Administration (FDA) is responsible for risk assessment and risk management in the post-market surveillance of the U.S. medical device industry. One of the FDA regulatory mechanisms, the Medical Device Reporting System (MDR) is an adverse event reporting system intended to provide the FDA with advance warning of device problems. It includes voluntary reporting for individuals, and mandatory reporting for device manufacturers. ^ In a study of alleged breast implant safety problems, this research examines the organizational processes by which the FDA gathers data on adverse events and uses adverse event reporting systems to assess and manage risk. The research reviews the literature on problem recognition, risk perception, and organizational learning to understand the influence highly publicized events may have on adverse event reporting. Understanding the influence of an environmental factor, such as publicity, on adverse event reporting can provide insight into the question of whether the FDA's adverse event reporting system operates as an early warning system for medical device problems. ^ The research focuses on two main questions. The first question addresses the relationship between publicity and the voluntary and mandatory reporting of adverse events. The second question examines whether government agencies make use of these adverse event reports. ^ Using quantitative and qualitative methods, a longitudinal study was conducted of the number and content of adverse event reports regarding breast implants filed with the FDA's medical device reporting system during 1985–1991. To assess variation in publicity over time, the print media were analyzed to identify articles related to breast implant failures. ^ The exploratory findings suggest that an increase in media activity is related to an increase in voluntary reporting, especially following periods of intense media coverage of the FDA. However, a similar relationship was not found between media activity and manufacturers' mandatory adverse event reporting. A review of government committee and agency reports on the FDA published during 1976–1996 produced little evidence to suggest that publicity or MDR information contributed to problem recognition, agenda setting, or the formulation of policy recommendations. ^ The research findings suggest that the reporting of breast implant problems to FDA may reflect the perceptions and concerns of the reporting groups, a barometer of the volume and content of media attention. ^

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Digital technologies have profoundly changed not only the ways we create, distribute, access, use and re-use information but also many of the governance structures we had in place. Overall, "older" institutions at all governance levels have grappled and often failed to master the multi-faceted and multi-directional issues of the Internet. Regulatory entrepreneurs have yet to discover and fully mobilize the potential of digital technologies as an influential factor impacting upon the regulability of the environment and as a potential regulatory tool in themselves. At the same time, we have seen a deterioration of some public spaces and lower prioritization of public objectives, when strong private commercial interests are at play, such as most tellingly in the field of copyright. Less tangibly, private ordering has taken hold and captured through contracts spaces, previously regulated by public law. Code embedded in technology often replaces law. Non-state action has in general proliferated and put serious pressure upon conventional state-centered, command-and-control models. Under the conditions of this "messy" governance, the provision of key public goods, such as freedom of information, has been made difficult or is indeed jeopardized.The grand question is how can we navigate this complex multi-actor, multi-issue space and secure the attainment of fundamental public interest objectives. This is also the question that Ian Brown and Chris Marsden seek to answer with their book, Regulating Code, as recently published under the "Information Revolution and Global Politics" series of MIT Press. This book review critically assesses the bold effort by Brown and Marsden.

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Digital technologies and the Internet in particular have transformed the ways we create, distribute, use, reuse and consume cultural content; have impacted on the workings of the cultural industries, and more generally on the processes of making, experiencing and remembering culture in local and global spaces. Yet, few of these, often profound, transformations have found reflection in law and institutional design. Cultural policy toolkits, in particular at the international level, are still very much offline/analogue and conceive of culture as static property linked to national sovereignty and state boundaries. The article describes this state of affairs and asks the key question of whether there is a need to reform global cultural law and policy and if yes, what the essential elements of such a reform should be.

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The capabilities of postmodern biotechnology inevitably lead to questioning if it is morally acceptable to use all possibilities offered by technology. In sport, this very complex issue is dealt with by drawing clear boundaries between naturalness and artificiality. Currently, new biotechnology is constantly being produced and with this, boundaries between naturalness and artificiality, between normal and abnormal, human and hybrid are constantly shifting . “Human enhancement” is a fascinating prism that reflects contemporary questions of participation, justice, equality and the autonomy of the subject in all social fields. The area of elite sports is particularly affected by “human enhancement”, according to the principle of exceeding what has come before, of aiming higher, faster and further. This paper analyses the postulated “naturalness” in the regulative and normalising function in the area of elite sports, in connection with Foucault’s theory of governmentality. The example of the South African sprinter Oscar Pistorius appears to be particularly suited to illustrate current definition difficulties in the area of disabled and non-disabled people in differentiated competitive sports. His is a vivid example of a multifaceted body-sociological analysis of current sport culture and the construction of reality or naturalness in the framework of the discourse of drafting and negotiating the accreditation for sprint competitions of non-disabled athletes, most recently in the London Olympics 2012. Using the case study of Oscar Pistorius, the negotiating processes in relation to the argumentation logic, dynamics and resistance in shifting distinctions are presented in detail using the fundamental documents of the IOC, IPC, CAS and IAAF. Represented through the inclusion and exclusion processes are hierarchies of the body that are (re)consolidated and transformed. The central question emerges as to how the worth of equal opportunity and fairness in regard to “naturalness” can be reconsolidated or transformed.

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Small non-protein-coding RNA (ncRNA) molecules have been recognized recently as major contributors to regulatory networks in controlling gene expression in a highly efficient manner. While the list of validated ncRNAs that regulate crucial cellular processes grows steadily, not a single ncRNA has been identified that directly interacts and regulates the ribosome during protein biosynthesis (with the notable exceptions of 7SL RNA and tmRNA). All of the recently discovered regulatory ncRNAs that act on translation (e.g. microRNAs, siRNAs or antisense RNAs) target the mRNA rather than the ribosome. This is unexpected, given the central position the ribosome plays during gene expression. Furthermore it is strongly assumed that the primordial translation system in the ‘RNA world’ most likely received direct regulatory input from ncRNA-like cofactors. The fundamental question that we would like to ask is: Does the ‘RNA world still communicate’ with the ribosome? To address this question, we have analyzed the small ncRNA interactomes of ribosomes of prokaryotic (H. volcanii, S. aureus) and unicellular eukaryotic model organisms. Deep-sequencing and subsequent bioinformatic analyses revealed thousands of putative ribosome-associated ncRNAs. For a subset of these ncRNA candidates we have gathered experimental evidence that they are expressed in a stress-dependent manner and indeed directly target the ribosome. In the archaeon H. volcanii a tRNA-derived fragment was identified to target the small ribosomal subunit upon alkaline stress in vitro and in vivo. As a consequence of ribosome binding, this tRNA-fragment reduces protein synthesis by interfering with the peptidyl transferase activity. Our data reveal the ribosome as a novel target for small regulatory ncRNAs in all domains of life. Ribosome-bound ncRNAs are capable of fine tuning translation and might represent a so far largely unexplored class of regulatory sRNAs.

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Small non-protein-coding RNA (ncRNA) molecules have been recognized recently as major contributors to regulatory networks in controlling gene expression in a highly efficient manner. While the list of validated ncRNAs that regulate crucial cellular processes grows steadily, not a single ncRNA has been identified that directly interacts and regulates the ribosome during protein biosynthesis (with the notable exceptions of 7SL RNA and tmRNA). All of the recently discovered regulatory ncRNAs that act on translation (e.g. microRNAs, siRNAs or antisense RNAs) target the mRNA rather than the ribosome. This is unexpected, given the central position the ribosome plays during gene expression. Furthermore it is strongly assumed that the primordial translation system in the ‘RNA world’ most likely received direct regulatory input from ncRNA-like cofactors. The fundamental question that we would like to ask is: Does the ‘RNA world still communicate’ with the ribosome? To address this question, we have analyzed the small ncRNA interactomes of ribosomes of organisms from all three domains of life. Deep-sequencing and subsequent bioinformatic analyses revealed thousands of putative ribosome-associated ncRNAs.1,2 For a subset of these ncRNA candidates we have gathered experimental evidence that they are expressed in a stress-dependent manner and indeed directly target the ribosome. We show that some of these ribosome-bound small ncRNAs are capable of fine tuning protein synthesis in vitro and in vivo. Our data therefore reveal the ribosome as a novel target for small regulatory ncRNAs in all domains of life and suggest the existence of a so far largely unexplored mechanism of translation regulation.

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Semi-presidential systems of democratic governance risk ending up in a stalemate when it is not clear which of the two „heads” – head of State or head of Government – shall take the lead. The current political situation in Romania features some of the commonly observed characteristics of such an institutional blockade. However, after addressing these formal aspects of political Romania, the author argues for not forgetting to take into account the informal, actor-related factors. The nature of the Romanian political parties and party system seems to hinder the finding of a consensus needed to exit the self-imposed blockade. More specifically, it is the Democratic Party (PD) that is the key to understanding the recent developments. The Government of April the third has yet to prove its efficiency.

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This article seeks to bring some clarity to the publicly held debate on the Swiss federal popular initiative to limit immigration as it was adopted on 9 February 2014 by the Swiss people. It considers the crux of the matter, which is the implementation of the new Swiss constitutional article in the context of public international law. The initiative is stuck in between Swiss constitutional sovereignty and Swiss treaty obligations flowing from the agreement on free movement of persons between the European Union and the Swiss Confederation. Specific attention is paid to the democratic element anchored in the Swiss Constitution which, in contrast to other systems where the judicial element prevails, is of high importance for whole the process of a bilateral contractual relationship between the European Union and the Swiss Confederation.

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OBJECTIVES: The research question for this project mainly concentrates on the sociolinguistic aspects of a socalled “language related major life event” (De Bot, 2007): retirement. “Language related major life events” are events in the lifespan that are important for changes happening in the linguistic setting which influence the language development. In my paper I will explore changes happening around retirement in regard to multilingual competence. The focus will be on two groups: Italian migrants living in the city of Berne and Swissgerman-speakers, both at the age around retirement. The above mentioned changes can take place on two levels. (1) On the one hand, people have more time for curricular activities after retirement, which they can use in order to learn new languages or to improve their language skills. In this case we are dealing with the concept of “lifelong learning”. (2) On the other hand, language competence can be lost due to the (partial) loss of the retiree’s social network at their former workplace. METHODS: I will first examine these processes by using quantitative questionnaires in order to obtain general information on demographic data, the social situation, and a self-assessment of linguistic skills. Secondly, I will use qualitative interviews to gain in-depth information on the linguistic changes happening around retirement and their link to different factors, such as social networks, education, gender or the language biography. RESULTS: Since the project is still in its early stages of development, clear results can’t be mentioned yet. By May 2012 I will be able to present results of the quantitative study as well as a first glance into the results of the qualitative part of the project. CONCLUSION: The results of this project are meant to benefit the better insight into different aspects that haven’t been looked at in detail till this point. (1) What is the general and linguistic situation of Italian migrants who decided to remain in Switzerland after retirement and how can their linguistic skills affect their quality of living? (2) Who decides to learn a new language after retirement and how should language courses for older people be designed?

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Europeanization challenges national democratic systems. As part and parcel of the broader internationalization of politics, Europeanization is associated with a shift from policymaking within majoritarian, elected representative bodies towards technocratic decisions among non-majoritarian and non-elected bodies (Kohler-Koch and Rittberger 2008, Lavenex 2013). It is thus said to weaken the influence of citizens and parliaments on the making of policies and to undermine democratic collective identity (Lavenex 2013, Schimmelfennig 2010). The weakening of national parliaments has been referred to as “de-parliamentarisation” (Goetz and Meyer-Sahling 2008) and has nurtured a broader debate regarding the democratic deficit in the EU. While not being a member of the EU, Switzerland has not remained unaffected by these changes. As discussed in the contribution by Fischer and Sciarini, state executive actors take the lead in Switzerland's European policy. They are responsible for the conduct of international negotiations, they own the treaty making power, and it is up to them to decide whether they wish to launch a negotiation with the EU. In addition, the strong take-it or leave-it character of Europeanized acts limits the room for manoeuver of the parliamentary body also in the ratification phase. Among the public, the rejection of the treaty on the European constitution has definitely closed the era of “permissive consensus” (Hooghe and Marks 2009). However, the process of European unification remains far remote from the European public. In Switzerland, the strongly administrative character of international legislation hinders public discussion (Vögeli 2007). In such a context, the media may serve as cue for the public: By delivering information about the extent and nature of Europeanized policymaking, the media enable citizens to form their own opinions and to hold their representatives accountable. In this sense media coverage may not only be considered an indicator of the information delivered to the public, but it may also enhance the democratic legitimacy of Europeanized policymaking (for a similar argument, see Tresch and Jochum 2005). While the previous contributions to this debate have examined the Europeanization of Swiss (primary and secondary) legislation, we take a closer look at two additional domestic arenas that are both supposed to be under pressure due to Europeanization: The parliament and the media. To that end, we rely on data gathered in a research project that two of us carried out in the context of the NCCR Democracy.1 While this project was primarily interested in the mediatization of decision-making processes in Switzerland, it also investigated the conditional role played by internationalization/Europeanization. For our present purposes, we shall exploit the two data-sets that were developed as part of a study of the political agenda-setting power of the media (Sciarini and Tresch 2012, 2013, Tresch et al. 2013): A data-set on issue attention in parliamentary interventions (initiatives, motions, postulates,2 interpellations and questions) and a data-set on issue attention in articles from the Neue Zürcher Zeitung (NZZ). The data covers the years 1995 to 2003 and the coding of issues followed the classification system developed in the “Policy Agendas Project” (Baumgartner and Jones 1993).

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Roots respond dynamically to belowground herbivore attack. Yet, little is known about the mechanisms and ecological consequences of these responses. Do roots behave the same way as leaves, or do the paradigms derived from aboveground research need to be rewritten? This is the central question that we tackle in this article. To this end, we review the current literature on induced root defenses and present a number of experiments on the interaction between the root herbivore Diabrotica virgifera and its natural host, maize. Currently, the literature provides no clear evidence that plants can recognize root herbivores specifically. In maize, mild mechanical damage is sufficient to trigger a root volatile response comparable to D. virgifera induction. Interestingly, the jasmonate (JA) burst, a highly conserved signaling event following leaf attack, is consistently attenuated in the roots across plant species, from wild tobacco to Arabidopsis. In accordance, we found only a weak JA response in D. virgifera attacked maize roots. Despite this reduction in JA-signaling, roots of many plants start producing a distinct suite of secondary metabolites upon attack and reconfigure their primary metabolism. We, therefore, postulate the existence of additional, unknown signals that govern induced root responses in the absence of a jasmonate burst. Surprisingly, despite the high phenotypic plasticity of plant roots, evidence for herbivore-induced resistance below ground is virtually absent from the literature. We propose that other defensive mechanisms, including resource reallocation and compensatory growth, may be more important to improve plant immunity below ground.

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Focusing on one manuscript, today in the Bodleian Library, Oxford, this chapter deals with the question how early modern objects became collectable items. The manuscript is categorized as MS. Douce 387 and its name indicates that it came from the collection of Francis Douce (1757–1834), who was keeper of manuscripts in the British Museum from 1799 until 1811. MS. Douce 387 is described in the catalogue of the Douce’ian collection as the “presentation copy with coloured designs by Marten de Vos and others” of the 1595 printed festival book Descriptio publicae gratulationis … in adventu … Ernesti archiducis Austriae. This festival book, printed in Antwerp’s Plantin-Moretus press, was commissioned by the magistrate of the city of Antwerp to commemorate the Joyous Entry of Archduke Ernest of Austria from June 1594; that an “archducal copy” bound in red velvet was commissioned as well and was owned by the Archduke is know as well. However, first research showed that Oxford copy cannot be this “archducal copy” or Marten de Vos’s artist’s copy even though it is the only know version with a handwritten text and hand-drawn illustrations. It rather should be examined as something totally different altogether. The main question remains why someone then commissioned a hand made version of this festival book, something unknown for other books of this genre? Why would someone between 1600 and 1800 sit down and copy texts and prints from a collectable book? Why was there such an on-going interest in early modern festival books? Could this manuscript be the only later made copy of the “archducal volume” or is it rather a forgery made for the European collectors’ market?

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Virus-specific CD4(+) T cells play a major role in viral infections, such as hepatitis C virus (HCV). Viral clearance is associated with vigorous and multi-specific CD4(+) T-cell responses, while chronic infection has been shown to be associated with weak or absent T-cell responses. Most of these studies have used functional assays to analyze virus-specific CD4(+) T-cell responses; however, these and other detection methods have various limitations. Therefore, the important question of whether virus-specific CD4(+) T cells are completely absent or primarily impaired in specific effector functions during chronic infection, has yet to be analyzed in detail. A novel assay, in which virus-specific CD4(+) T-cell frequencies can be determined by de novo CD154 (CD40 ligand) expression in response to viral antigens, can help to overcome some of the limitations of functional assays and restrictions of multimer-based methods. This and other current established methods for the detection of HCV-specific CD4(+) T cells will be discussed in this review.

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This paper investigates the effects on open-seat races in the United States House of Representatives. This project focuses on the influence that the House leadership exerts on races. Generally, the leadership influences race through spending by party organizations and leadership visits. During each election cycle, national party organizations spend millions of dollars to get their candidates into office. I have developed a multiple regression model that measures different types of spending from the Democratic Congressional Campaign Committee, the National Republican Congressional Committee, and the Republican National Committee and the effects of these spending types on the election results. Also, the study examines the number of visits by each party’s leadership to each race. I introduced control variables that account for the year, the competitiveness of each race, and the individual candidate fundraising. In terms of statistical significance, the results were mixed showing one type of party spending to be highly influential in the outcome of the race. Competitiveness and individual candidate fundraising also achieved statistical significance. The study also includes a qualitative investigation of leadership visits and individual case studies in order to understand better the way in which the data interact in real campaigns.