945 resultados para Sun Protection, Policies, Sporting Associations


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Adaptació de habitatge al Regne Unit. Ponència presentada al "2º Espacio de Encuentro Rehabilitación y Adaptación Funcional de la Vivienda" (Sant Sebastià, 2 Juny 2010)

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The high rate of natural Trypanosoma cruzi infection found in opossums does not always correlate with appreciable densities of local triatomid populations. One alternative method which might bypass the invertebrate vector is direct transmission from mother to offspring. This possibility was investigated in five T. cruzi infected females and their litters (24 young). The influence of maternal antibodies transferred via lactation, on the course of experimental infection, was also examined. Our results show that neonatal transmission is probably not responsible for the high rate of natural T. cruzi infection among opossums. In addition antibodies of maternal origin confer a partial protection to the young. This was demonstrated by the finding of a double prepatency period and 4,5 fold lower levels of circulating parasites, in experimentally infected pouch young from infected as compared to control uninfected mothes. On the other hand, the duration of patent parasitemia was twice as long as that observed in the control group.

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The recent strides of democracy in Latin America have been associated to conflicting outcomes. The expectation that democracy would bring about peace and prosperity have been only partly satisfied. While political violence has been by and large eradicated from the sub-continent, poverty and social injustice still prevail and hold sway. Our study argues that democracy matters for inequality through the growing strength of center left and left parties and by making political leaders in general more responsive to the underprivileged. Furthermore, although the pension reforms recently enacted in the region generated overall regressive outcomes on income distribution, democratic countries still benefit from their political past: where democratic tradition was stronger, such outcomes have been milder. Democratic tradition and the specific ideological connotations of the parties in power, on the other hand, did not play an equally crucial role in securing lower levels of political violence: during the last wave of democratizations in Latin America, domestic peace was rather an outcome of political and social concessions to those in distress. In sum, together with other factors and especially economic ones, the reason why recent democratizations have provided domestic peace in most cases, but have been unable so far to solve the problem of poverty and inequality, is that democratic traditions in the subcontinent have been relatively weak and, more specifically, that this weakness has undermined the growth of left and progressive parties, acting as an obstacle to redistribution. Such weakness, on the other hand, has not prevented the drastic reduction of domestic political violence, since what mattered in this case was a combination of symbolic or material concessions and political agreements among powerful élites and counter-élites.

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This paper studies the relationship between investor protection, entrepreneurial risk taking and income inequality. In the presence of market frictions, better protection makes investors more willing to take on entrepreneurial risk when lending to firms, thereby improving the degree of risk sharing between financiers and entrepreneurs. On the other hand, by increasing risk sharing, investor protection also induces more firms to undertake risky projects. By increasing entrepreneurial risk taking, it raises income dispersion. By reducing the risk faced by entrepreneurs, it reduces income volatility. As a result, investor protection raises income inequality to the extent that it fosters risk taking, while it reduces it for a given level of risk taking. Empirical evidence from a panel of forty-five countries spanning the period 1976-2000 supports the predictions of the model.

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Introduction In my thesis I argue that economic policy is all about economics and politics. Consequently, analysing and understanding economic policy ideally has at least two parts. The economics part, which is centered around the expected impact of a specific policy on the real economy both in terms of efficiency and equity. The insights of this part point into which direction the fine-tuning of economic policies should go. However, fine-tuning of economic policies will be most likely subject to political constraints. That is why, in the politics part, a much better understanding can be gained by taking into account how the incentives of politicians and special interest groups as well as the role played by different institutional features affect the formation of economic policies. The first part and chapter of my thesis concentrates on the efficiency-related impact of economic policies: how does corporate income taxation in general, and corporate income tax progressivity in specific, affect the creation of new firms? Reduced progressivity and flat-rate taxes are in vogue. By 2009, 22 countries are operating flat-rate income tax systems, as do 7 US states and 14 Swiss cantons (for corporate income only). Tax reform proposals in the spirit of the "flat tax" model typically aim to reduce three parameters: the average tax burden, the progressivity of the tax schedule, and the complexity of the tax code. In joint work, Marius Brülhart and I explore the implications of changes in these three parameters on entrepreneurial activity, measured by counts of firm births in a panel of Swiss municipalities. Our results show that lower average tax rates and reduced complexity of the tax code promote firm births. Controlling for these effects, reduced progressivity inhibits firm births. Our reading of these results is that tax progressivity has an insurance effect that facilitates entrepreneurial risk taking. The positive effects of lower tax levels and reduced complexity are estimated to be significantly stronger than the negative effect of reduced progressivity. To the extent that firm births reflect desirable entrepreneurial dynamism, it is not the flattening of tax schedules that is key to successful tax reforms, but the lowering of average tax burdens and the simplification of tax codes. Flatness per se is of secondary importance and even appears to be detrimental to firm births. The second part of my thesis, which corresponds to the second and third chapter, concentrates on how economic policies are formed. By the nature of the analysis, these two chapters draw on a broader literature than the first chapter. Both economists and political scientists have done extensive research on how economic policies are formed. Thereby, researchers in both disciplines have recognised the importance of special interest groups trying to influence policy-making through various channels. In general, economists base their analysis on a formal and microeconomically founded approach, while abstracting from institutional details. In contrast, political scientists' frameworks are generally richer in terms of institutional features but lack the theoretical rigour of economists' approaches. I start from the economist's point of view. However, I try to borrow as much as possible from the findings of political science to gain a better understanding of how economic policies are formed in reality. In the second chapter, I take a theoretical approach and focus on the institutional policy framework to explore how interactions between different political institutions affect the outcome of trade policy in presence of special interest groups' lobbying. Standard political economy theory treats the government as a single institutional actor which sets tariffs by trading off social welfare against contributions from special interest groups seeking industry-specific protection from imports. However, these models lack important (institutional) features of reality. That is why, in my model, I split up the government into a legislative and executive branch which can both be lobbied by special interest groups. Furthermore, the legislative has the option to delegate its trade policy authority to the executive. I allow the executive to compensate the legislative in exchange for delegation. Despite ample anecdotal evidence, bargaining over delegation of trade policy authority has not yet been formally modelled in the literature. I show that delegation has an impact on policy formation in that it leads to lower equilibrium tariffs compared to a standard model without delegation. I also show that delegation will only take place if the lobby is not strong enough to prevent it. Furthermore, the option to delegate increases the bargaining power of the legislative at the expense of the lobbies. Therefore, the findings of this model can shed a light on why the U.S. Congress often practices delegation to the executive. In the final chapter of my thesis, my coauthor, Antonio Fidalgo, and I take a narrower approach and focus on the individual politician level of policy-making to explore how connections to private firms and networks within parliament affect individual politicians' decision-making. Theories in the spirit of the model of the second chapter show how campaign contributions from lobbies to politicians can influence economic policies. There exists an abundant empirical literature that analyses ties between firms and politicians based on campaign contributions. However, the evidence on the impact of campaign contributions is mixed, at best. In our paper, we analyse an alternative channel of influence in the shape of personal connections between politicians and firms through board membership. We identify a direct effect of board membership on individual politicians' voting behaviour and an indirect leverage effect when politicians with board connections influence non-connected peers. We assess the importance of these two effects using a vote in the Swiss parliament on a government bailout of the national airline, Swissair, in 2001, which serves as a natural experiment. We find that both the direct effect of connections to firms and the indirect leverage effect had a strong and positive impact on the probability that a politician supported the government bailout.

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L-Type Ca(2+) and K(ATP) Channels in Pacing-Induced Cardioprotection. AIMS: The L-type Ca(2+) channel, the sarcolemmal (sarcK(ATP)), and mitochondrial K(ATP) (mitoK(ATP)) channels are involved in myocardial preconditioning. We aimed at determining to what extent these channels can also participate in pacing-induced cardioprotection. METHODS: Hearts of 4-day-old chick embryos were paced in ovo during 12 hour using asynchronous intermittent ventricular stimulation at 110% of the intrinsic rate. Sham operated and paced hearts were then submitted in vitro to anoxia (30 minutes) and reoxygenation (60 minutes). These hearts were exposed to L-type Ca(2+) channel agonist Bay-K-8644 (BAY-K) or blocker verapamil, nonselective K(ATP) channel antagonist glibenclamide (GLIB), mitoK(ATP) channel agonist diazoxide (DIAZO), or antagonist 5-hydroxydecanoate. Electrocardiogram, electromechanical delay (EMD) reflecting excitation-contraction (E-C) coupling, and contractility were determined. RESULTS: Under normoxia, heart rate, QT duration, conduction, EMD, and ventricular shortening were similar in sham and paced hearts. During reoxygenation, arrhythmias ceased earlier and ventricular EMD recovered faster in paced hearts than in sham hearts. In sham hearts, BAY-K (but not verapamil), DIAZO (but not 5-hydroxydecanoate) or GLIB accelerated recovery of ventricular EMD, reproducing the pacing-induced protection. By contrast, none of these agents further ameliorated recovery of the paced hearts. CONCLUSION: The protective effect of chronic asynchronous pacing at near physiological rate on ventricular E-C coupling appears to be associated with subtle activation of L-type Ca(2+) channel, inhibition of sarcK(ATP) channel, and/or opening of mitoK(ATP) channel.

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We studied the role of CD4+, CD8+, CD4- CD8- T cells and IgG anti-Leishmania after infection or vaccination in the CBA/ca mouse. Mice were either infected with L. m. mexicana promastigotes or vaccinated with parasite-membrane antigens incorporated into liposomes. Successfully vaccinated mice were used as cell-donors in adoptive transfer experiments. Naive, syngeneic recipients received highly-enriched CD4+, CD8+ or CD4- CD8- T cells from those two set of donors and challenged with live parasites. Our results showed that, both CD4+ and CD8+ T cells from infected or vaccinated donors conferred significant disease-resistance to naive recipients. In addition, adoptive transfer of CD4- CD8- T cells from vaccinated donors significantly delayed lesion growth in recipient mice. We concluded that vaccination of CBA mice correlates with the induction of protective CD4+, CD8+ and CD4- CD8- T cells and the synthesis of IgG anti-Leishmania.

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Representational strategies of emotion regulation during play are believed to protect children against behaviour problems. Yet, before the age of 4, it appears that children rely more on their attachment figure than on representational strategies to assuage distress. The study was aimed at testing whether 3-year-olds' narrative features during the Attachment Story Completion Task (ASCT) could predict concurrent internalizing problems assessed by the mothers' and fathers' ratings of the child, using the Child Behaviour Checklist Regression analyses including gender, IQ, socio-economic status and ASCT dimensions revealed that representations of supportive caregiving predicted mother-reported internalizing problems (negative association), whereas positive resolution and attachment strategies (security, deactivation, hyperactivation, disorganization) did not. Results were interpreted with reference to Bowlby's hypotheses regarding the aetiology of depression and anxiety disorders. (PsycINFO Database Record (c) 2007 APA, all rights reserved)

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This paper addresses the puzzle of why legislation, even highly inefficient legislation, may pass with overwhelming majorities. We model a egislature in which the same agenda setter serves for two periods, showing how he can exploit a legislature (completely) in the first period by romising future benefits to legislators who support him. In equilibrium, large majority of legislators vote for the first-period proposal because a ote in favor maintains the chance for membership in the minimum winning coalition in the future. The model thus generates situations in which egislators approve policies by large majorities, or even unanimously, that enefit few, or even none, of them. The results are robust: some institutional arrangements, such as super-majority rules or sequential voting, imit but do not eliminate the agenda setter's power to exploit the legislature, and other institutions such as secret voting do not limit his power.

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This paper analyses the impact of different instruments of fiscal policy on economic growth as well as on income inequality, using an unbalanced panel of 43 upper-middle and high income countries for the period 1972-2006. We consider and estimate two individual equations explaining growth and inequality in order to assess the incidence of different fiscal policies. Firstly, our approach considers imposing orthogonal assumptions between growth and inequality in both equations, and secondly, it allows growth to be included in the inequality equation, and inequality to be included in the growth equation. The empirical results suggest that an increase in the size of government measured through current expenditures and direct taxes diminishes economic growth while reducing inequality, being public investment the only fiscal policy that may break this trade-off between efficiency and equity, since increases in this item reduces inequality without harming output. Therefore, the results reflect that the trade-off between efficiency and equity that governments often confront when designing their fiscal policies may be avoided.

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Water scarcity is a long-standing problem in Catalonia, as there are significant differences in the spatial and temporal distribution of water through the territory. There has consequently been a debate for many years about whether the solution to water scarcity must be considered in terms of efficiency or equity, the role that the public sector must play and the role that market-based instruments should play in water management. The aim of this paper is to use a Computable General Equilibrium (CGE) model to analyze the advantages and disadvantages associated with different policy instruments, from both a supply and a demand viewpoint, which can be applied to water management in Catalonia. We also introduce an ecological sector in our CGE model, allowing us to analyze the environmental impact of the alternative policies simulated. The calibration of the exogenous variables of the CGE model is performed by using a Social Accounting Matrix (SAM) for the Catalan economy with 2001 data. The results suggest that taking into account the principle of sustainability of the resource, the policy debate between supply and demand in water policies is obsolete, and a new combination of policies is required to respect the different values associated with water. Keywords: Water Policies; Computable General Equilibrium Model; Economic Effects; Environmental Effects.

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Peroxisome proliferator-activated receptor gamma (PPAR-gamma) is a member of the nuclear hormone superfamily originally characterized as a regulator of adipocyte differentiation and lipid metabolism. In addition, PPAR-gamma has important immunomodulatory functions. If the effect of PPAR-gamma's activation in T-cell-mediated demyelination has been recently demonstrated, nothing is known about the role of PPAR-gamma in antibody-induced demyelination in the absence of T-cell interactions and monocyte/macrophage activation. Therefore, we investigated PPAR-gamma's involvement by using an in vitro model of inflammatory demyelination in three-dimensional aggregating rat brain cell cultures. We found that PPAR-gamma was not constitutively expressed in these cultures but was strongly up-regulated following demyelination mediated by antibodies directed against myelin oligodendrocyte glycoprotein (MOG) in the presence of complement. Pioglitazone, a selective PPAR-gamma agonist, partially protected aggregates from anti-MOG demyelination. Heat shock responses and the expression of the proinflammatory cytokine tumor necrosis factor-alpha were diminished by pioglitazone treatment. Therefore, pioglitazone protection seems to be linked to an inhibition of glial cell proinflammatory activities following anti-MOG induced demyelination. We show that PPAR-gamma agonists act not only on T cells but also on antibody-mediated demyelination. This may represent a significant benefit in treating multiple sclerosis patients.