960 resultados para Slavery and the church.
Resumo:
This thesis investigates two cases of Christian churches, which as a part of their mission seek to accommodate people who would otherwise not be interested in church. One of these communities consider themselves a part of the global 'emerging church' movement, and the other does not. I argue that both communities are employing what I call 'de-compartmentalization' strategy in order to adopt a pragmatic relationship with social and political issues. Furthermore I discuss the case of the emerging church community as an example of 'paraliminal community '; a concept I develop from the work of Victor Turner and Arnold van Gennep.
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Letter from the President’s Office of the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, Salt Lake City, Utah. The letter is addressed to Welland D. Woodruff in response to his request regarding his ancestry. It is confirmed that the family descended through Matthew Woodruff who was the original proprietor of Farmingham Connecticut. The writer says that he has had interviews with several Woodruffs from Chicago and other places. The letter is signed by Wilford Woodruff [4th president of the Church of Jesus Christ of the Latter-Day Saints from 1889-1898], Dec. 7, 1887.
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Cette thèse s’ouvre avec des commentaires du siècle dernier sur les opinions de Luther à propos de l’autorité du gouvernement et de l’Église, ainsi que sur la nature humaine et la fonction de la loi. Je présente ensuite où ces critiques situent Luther par rapport à la tradition scholastique et par rapport à la tradition romaine au sein de l’Église. Puis, j’explore les œuvres de Luther pour mettre en lumière ses arguments concernant l’Église, la source de son autorité, ainsi que la relation de celle-ci avec les gouvernements, autrement dit les autorités temporelles. De là, je m’intéresse à la comparaison que le réformateur fait entre la place de l’Église dans la société et celle de l’autorité temporelle. Enfin, j’analyse les écrits de Luther à propos de deux évènements concernant la construction du Royaume de Dieu et plus précisément, dans quelle mesure l’Église dépend, ou non, des autorités temporelles pour construire ce Royaume. Nous allons trouver une réponse surprenante à la question de comment l’église est indépendante de l’autorité temporelle dans l’ouvrage spécifique au royaume de Dieu. Le but de ma thèse est de répondre à certains critiques qui reprochent à Luther de s’appuyer sur l’autorité temporelle pour établir l’Église, et par conséquent de donner au temporel le contrôle sur le spirituel. Nous découvrirons que Luther tire son autorité des Écritures. Nous découvrirons aussi les conséquences que cette autorité a sur sa philosophie politique, c'est-à-dire l’importance de la soumission aux autorités gouvernantes en même temps que la libération des individus de la tyrannie d’une fausse doctrine.
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This article contends that the papacy and ultramontane Catholicism played a pivotal role in the democratization of culture in Second Empire France. Drawing upon recent scholarship, which argues that religion played an important role in the constitution of mass democracies in modern Europe, this article revisits the pamphlet campaign led by Mgr Gaston de Ségur at the height of the Italian question in February 1860. Ségur made the most of the freedom of expression enjoyed by the Catholic Church in France in an attempt to direct Catholic opinion, and place pressure on the French government over its diplomatic relations with the pope. New archive material, notably Ségur’s correspondence with the leading Catholic journalist of the time, Louis Veuillot, sheds further light on Rome’s interventions in French culture and politics and its consequences. The article demonstrates that one of the most important, if unintended, results of the ultramontane campaign was to trigger reforms to the cultural sphere, and the granting of freedoms to their political enemies: the Republicans and freethinkers.
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This article presents a reinterpretation of James Harrington's writings. It takes issue with J. G. A. Pocock's reading, which treats him as importing into England a Machiavellian ‘language of political thought’. This reading is the basis of Pocock's stress on the republicanism of eighteenth-century opposition values. Harrington's writings were in fact a most implausible channel for such ideas. His outlook owed much to Stoicism. Unlike the Florentine, he admired the contemplative life; was sympathetic to commerce; and was relaxed about the threat of ‘corruption’ (a concept that he did not understand). These views can be associated with his apparent aims: the preservation of a national church with a salaried but politically impotent clergy; and the restoration of the royalist gentry to a leading role in English politics. Pocock's hypothesis is shown to be conditioned by his method; its weaknesses reflect some difficulties inherent in the notion of ‘languages of thought’.
Resumo:
Throughout the corpus of Latin love elegy, the imaginary tombs envisaged by the elegists for their own personae and for other inhabitants of their poetic world display a striking tendency to take on the characteristic attributes and personalities of those interred within. The final resting-place of Propertius, for instance, that self-proclaimed acolyte of Callimachean miniaturism and exclusivity, is to be sequestered from the degrading attentions of the passing populace (Prop. 3.16.25–30) and crowned with the poet's laurel (2.13.33–4). What remains of his meagre form will rest in a ‘tiny little urn’ (paruula testa, 2.13.32) beneath a monument declaring the lover's slavery to a single passion (2.13.35–6), and the grave is to be attended, or so he hopes, by the object of that passion herself (3.16.23–4), or occasionally (though he is not so confident of this) by his patron Maecenas (2.1.71–8). Likewise the memorial designed by Ovid for Corinna's pet parrot - an imitatrix ales endowed with the most distinctive foibles of the elegiac tradition - in Amores 2.6, comprising a burial mound pro corpore magnus (2.6.59) topped with a tombstone described as exiguus (‘tiny’, 2.6.60; cf. Prop. 2.1.72, 2.13.33), exhibits an elegiac emphasis worthy of the parrot's human counterparts among Ovid's poetic predecessors.
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New archaeological evidence suggests that the important patriarchal buildings called the Thomaites and Makron were immediately south-west of the sixth-century church of Hagia Sophia, rather than to its north-east as usually supposed. These structures were built in the sixth-century, suggesting only limited rebuilding of the Patriarchate by patriarch Thomas in the early seventh century.
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This article examines advocacy of Catholic restorative justice for clerical child sexual abuse from the standpoint of feminist criminological critiques of the use of restorative mediation in sexual offence cases. In particular, it questions the Catholic invocation of grace and forgiveness of survivors of abuse in light of critical feminist concerns about the exploitation of emotions in restorative practices, especially in regard to sexual and other gender-based offences. In the context of sexual abuse, the Catholic appeal to grace has the potential for turning into an extraordinary demand made of victims not only to rehabilitate offenders and the church in the eyes of the community, but also to work towards the spiritual absolution of the abuser. This unique feature of Catholic-oriented restorative justice raises important concerns in terms of feminist critiques of the risk of abuses of power within mediation, and is also incompatible with orthodox restorative justice theory, which, although it advocates a ‘spiritual’ response to crime, is concerned foremost with the rights, needs and experiences of victims.
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This investigation shall focus upon the issue of legalized abortion. I believe the complex controversy surrounding the issue of abortion, demonstrates more clearly than any other single contemporary issue the social, political, moral and religious forces working for change in a post-Reagan America. I shall examine in depth the theology, writings, strategies and activities of those Americans who seek to express themselves and their beliefs in religious, or religiously supported interest groups. The current debate surrounding abortion legislation lends itself to several forms of analysis: religious, political, sociological, etc. I will write from the perspective of a student of religion. I shall focus more upon the religious, moral and theological conviction-s of the abortion activists than upon their constitutional right to free speech or assembly. I shall give more attention to denominational structures and church/state relations than to the structuring of representative districts and democratic theory.