Guerras europeas, conflictos civiles, proyectos nacionales. Una interpretación de las restauraciones napolitanas (1799-1866)

La elección de examinar la contrarrevolución a través de sus mayores éxitos, las cuatro restauraciones victoriosas, y su derrota, la restauración fallida, puede enriquecer las perspectivas tradicionales sobre la resistencia y la crisis del Reino de las dos Sicilias. Los conflictos europeos, las guerras civiles, las construcciones estatales y la creación de identidades nacionales modernas son fenómenos que se entrecruzan con la complicada historia del reino napolitano. A través de la perspectiva de las restauraciones, bien dinásticas (1799 y 1815), o bien absolutistas (1821 y 1849), podemos insertar en un esquema interpretativo general la dialéctica entre conflicto interno y crisis internacionales, la interrelación con la formación de las ideas y adscripciones nacionalistas y la comparación con la contrarrevolución en el mundo borbónico. El paradigma del conflicto nos permite también el contraste con el más amplio mundo borbónico, francés y, sobre todo, iberoamericano. De este modo podemos reflexionar tanto sobre el éxito del legitimismo napolitano como sobre los términos de su derrota en 1860 y sobre las razones de su reciente fortuna en el imaginario colectivo italiano.

Muro Mediterráneo: búnkeres y baterías para la defensa del litoral (1936-1939)

The Mediterranean wall, which is a collection of defensive constructions along the coast, was built during the Spanish War (1936-39) to prevent enemy attacks. It´s called this way like the Atlantic Wall, which was built after the Second World War. These group of buildings consist of batteries, bunkers and barracks placed along the coastline, sometimes next to another kind of infrastructure. Its location (typical of a military strategy) and its peculiar morphology are like another ones: the historical watchtowers ones. They were built by the Kingdom of Spain in the same geography four centuries earlier although, in our case, the buildings are updated to the conditions of contemporary wars: camouflage against air raids. A collection of anti-aircraft devices, placed along the coast since the late 1937, were risen following the instructions of the Valencian State to defend both citizens and cities from the aviation´s bombings. The following military settlements, organized from North to South, are part of the most relevant ones of the coast of Alicante: the Denia and Javea ones, the North of Alicante and Southwest of Alicante ones, the Portichol one, the Galvany´s Clot one and, finally, the Cape and Bay of Santa Pola ones. Remains of more than 60 architectural elements, that document the first concrete´s ruins, are still there. This paper tries to document all of them (providing their location, their morphological genealogy and including some drawings of the current state) to contribute to their revaluation and to help to their necessary protection. They are a legacy of architectural heritage which consolidates and increases the memory of our culture.

The Conservation of our Built Heritage, in Particular Statues in Aberdeen, Evaluated Through a Social and Historical Context and Their Impact, Through the Use of 3D Scanning

Cultural heritage sites all over the world are at risk due to aggressive urban expansion, development, wars and general obsolescence. Not all objects are recorded in detail although they may have social and historical significance. For example more emphasis is placed on the recording of castles and palaces than on crofters’ cottages or tenement blocks, although their history can be just as rich. This paper will investigate the historic fabric of Aberdeen through the use of digital scanning, supported by a range of media including old photographs and paintings. Dissemination of social heritage through visualisations will be explored and how this can aid the understanding of space within the city or specific area. Focus will be given to the major statues/monuments within the context of the city centre, exploring their importance in their environment. In addition studying why many have been re-located away from their original site, the reasons why, and how we have perhaps lost some of the social and historical importance of why that monument was first located there. It will be argued that Digital Media could be utilised for much more than re-creation and re-presentation of physical entities. Digital scanning, in association with visualisation tools, is used to capture the essence of both the cultural heritage and the society that created or used the sites in association with visualisation tools and in some way re-enacting the original importance placed upon the monument in its original location, through adoption of BIM Heritage.

Records of the Debating Club of Resident Graduates, 1792-1793

This journal contains minutes from meetings held from February 1792 through October 1793. These minutes include the names of participants and the questions and arguments which were debated, including: whether or not French slaves in the West Indies should be emancipated; whether or not reading novels was beneficial; whether sermons were more effective when memorized than when simply read; whether theater contributed to corrupt morals; whether drunkenness or gambling was more detrimental to society; and whether or not French assistance to the colonies in their Revolutionary War provided sufficient cause for the United States to join with France in its own wars. Most of the topics of debate centered on religion, government and education. Several entries also include notes on related topics of discussion, including the reasons for Native American tribes' hostilities against federal authorities, and there are several references to published works which were cited and consulted in the course of debate.

Letters from William Tudor to his family,

Three letters written from Tudor to his family from London. Among the subjects about which he writes include the fruit and vegetable bushes and seeds he is sending to Rockwood, the family estate, as well as his impressions of London society and weather. He also writes about political issues, including the Napoleonic Wars, unification in Ireland, and the challenges of being an American in trade in England.

Letter from William Tudor to his family,

Four letters written from Tudor to his family while he was traveling in France in 1800 and 1802. In two letters, he describes in detail his capture by a French privateer aboard the ship Minerva in the spring of 1800. He also discusses the business activities of "Mr. C" (John Codman), his employer. Tudor additionally describes the French countryside and the impact of the French Revolutionary Wars on the cities.

Letters from William Tudor to his brother, Frederic Tudor,

Four letters written from London in which Tudor details his efforts to obtain licenses to export ice to Jamaica and Barbados from the British Board of Trade. He also comments on the Napoleonic Wars and the Monroe–Pinkney Treaty.

Letters from Degen, Purviance & Co. to William Tudor,

Four letters, several including price circulars for various goods and foodstuffs. Also discussed is the impact of the Napoleonic Wars on trade.

Letters from John Murray Forbes to William Tudor,

Six letters regarding ongoing civil wars in the Argentinean provinces, peace negotiations, and Forbes’ implementation of the Monroe Doctrine, as well as diplomatic discussions with the provisional government in Buenos Aires, which sought American intervention. Forbes also includes a copy of a letter he wrote to the provisional government regarding privateering.

Journal of the British expedition from Detroit to Vincennes and its defeat by George Rogers Clark : manuscript, 1778-1782

Account of the British forces' expedition which captured Vincennes, Indiana in Dec. 1778, with an account of their eventual defeat in 1779 at the Battle of Vincennes by the American Revolutionary forces led by Col. George Rogers Clark.

Novas terapêuticas não farmacológicas da perturbação do pós-stress traumático

Trabalho Final do Curso de Mestrado Integrado em Medicina, Faculdade de Medicina, Universidade de Lisboa, 2014

The development of the eurozone. Jean Monnet/Robert Schuman Paper Series Vol. 13 No. 2, January 2013

From the Introduction. It is the year 1946 and the Second World War has just ended and not even thirty years had passed since the ‘war to end all wars’ ended, how ironic. Numerous countries in Europe suffered from both the loss of lives and the destruction of land. Powerful countries had been demolished and almost every country on European soil had been affected in some way or another. Change needed to happen for the European people, everyone knew it, and Winston Churchill voiced it. In his speech at Zurich University in 1946, Churchill brought up ideas that would forever change Europe.

The EU’s comprehensive approach towards security: the Lisbon Treaty and “smart power”. EU Centre Singpore Policy Brief No. 6, May 2013

The European Union (EU) has increasingly become a comprehensive security actor. With the development of the Common Foreign and Security Policy (CFSP), including the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) as a reaction to the failure of the EU to act during the wars in Yugoslavia/Western Balkans in the 1990s, the EU has a wide range of instruments for crisis prevention, crisis management as well as post-crisis intervention at its disposal. Observers typically agree that “hard power” is no longer sufficient to address the complex security challenges of today’s world while the EU, often criticised for only utilising “soft power”, is now able to exercise “smart power”. Through a comprehensive approach, facilitated by the Lisbon Treaty, the EU can now use the various instruments at its disposal, such as diplomacy, development aid, humanitarian assistance, trade, sanctions, international cooperation and crisis management capabilities in a joined-up manner. This mix of tools and instruments is helping the EU to achieve the aim set out in its European Security Strategy: “a secure Europe in a better world”.

Taking its place in Europe – Iceland’s long road to its EU application. Jean Monnet Occasional Paper 03/2013

Iceland applied for EU membership in 2009. Before that it had sought to alleviate pressures on her to fully integrate with Europe firstly by pursuing limited integration through membership of the European Free Trade Association (EFTA) and later by joining the European Economic Area (EEA). This paper traces the steps taken by this peripheral European country from its struggle of independence from Denmark, through World War II, American occupation, the founding of a republic, NATO membership and the Cod Wars with Britain. The paper analyses the various phases of the debate on the ties to the European institutions leading to EEA and Schengen membership, the “miraculous economic success“ which ended in the epic crash of 2008 which precipitated a much contested EU application.

Helpless and lonely: Turkey's attitude towards the war in Syria. OSW Commentary No. 136, 09.05.2014

The conflict in Syria, which has lasted since 2011, has become the most significant test of the efficiency of Turkey’s foreign policy and the biggest challenge to Turkey’s security in recent decades. The lack of a clear prospect of an end to the war does not allow us to come to a final conclusion regarding the Syrian civil war’s importance for Turkey. However, it can be said today that with the exception of the initial phase of the conflict, Ankara’s influence over the course of events in Syria has been limited, and the war itself is evolving in a direction that is unfavourable for Turkey: the hostile regime of Bashar al-Assad is still in power, the opposition has proved to be an unreliable or even a dangerous ally, and in northern Syria militant jihadist groups and Kurds are gaining importance. It is also quite unlikely that the West will take any greater responsibility for stabilising the situation in the region. In response to such an unfortunate situation, and out of fear of risking deeper involvement in the conflict, during the past year Turkey’s policy towards Syria has been restrained, reactive and focused mainly on defending Turkey’s territory. However, this policy offers no security guarantees and does not prevent the country’s regional position from weakening, especially in the context of the reinforcement of the jihadist militants and the Kurdish autonomy in northern Syria. The arguments for Turkey continuing its defensive policy are strong: the country fears the possible results of an open confrontation with Assad’s forces; most probably it could not count on support for such actions from within its own society or its Western allies. It also does not have enough acceptance within the anti-Assad opposition circles. On the other hand, though, the risk of uncontrolled development of events is still present; the risk of confrontations with armed jihadist militants is growing; and the potential operation of Turkish forces, either against the jihadists or against Assad’s army, could be considered as a method of diverting attention from the political problems with which the AKP government has been struggling at home.