Cooperação Institucional e Gestão de Áreas Protegidas em Cabo Verde - O Caso do Parque Natural da ilha do Fogo

O presente trabalho monográfico que se intitula “Cooperação Institucional e Gestão de Áreas Protegidas em Cabo Verde: O Caso do Parque Natural da ilha do Fogo” enquadra-se no âmbito do curso de licenciatura em Economia e Gestão realizado pela Universidade Jean Piaget de Cabo Verde. A preservação dos recursos naturais, sobretudo das áreas protegidas, deve ser uma das prioridades dos governos a nível mundial e, sendo assim, em Cabo Verde. Entretanto, os modelos de gestão aplicados a esse respeito nem sempre têm sido eficaz e eficiente, pelo que constata-se a degradação dessas áreas com efeitos negativos, sobretudo a nível ambiental, socioeconómico, bem como científico, em decorrência da extinção de determinadas espécies vegetais e animais. O presente trabalho tem, entre outros objetivos, analisar a gestão das áreas protegidas em Cabo Verde, com realce para o Parque Ntural da ilha do Fogo e evidenciar a importância da cooperação institucional na gestão dessas áreas, e assim sugerir medidas de políticas e estratégias a esse respeito. Para a realização deste trabaho utilizou-se a metodologia com enfoque qualitativo, recorrendo assim a análise e discussão das informações obtidas através das entrevistas aplicadas aos sujeitos de pesquisa. Fez-se a análise SWOT a respeito da cooperação institucional e gestão das áreas protegidas em Cabo Verde, com realce para o Parque Natural da ilha do Fogo. Ainda, baseou-se em estudo documental e consultas aos especialistas da área.

Going Public in the European Union: Action Repertoires of Western European Collective Political Actors

As a result of the Europeanization of politics and the increasing role of the public sphere, political actors in Western Europe are currently facing a double strategic challenge. Based on data from seven West European countries and the European Union, the authors analyze how state actors, political parties, interest groups, and social movement organizations cope with this double challenge at both the national and the supranational level. Results indicate that the classic repertoire of inside strategies at the national level is still the most typical for all actors, but media-related strategies are also prominent at the national level. The Europeanization of repertoires is mainly determined by institutional factors and by the actors' power, whereas the public arena plays an equally important role for all types of actors, in all countries and at both the national and the EU level.

Social security in theory and practice (I): Facts and political theories

166 countries have some kind of public old age pension. What economic forcescreate and sustain old age Social Security as a public program? We document some of the internationally and historically common features of Social Security programs including explicit and implicit taxes on labor supply, pay-as-you-go features, intergenerational redistribution, benefits which areincreasing functions of lifetime earnings and not means-tested. We partition theories of Social Security into three groups: "political", "efficiency" and "narrative" theories. We explore three political theories in this paper: the majority rational voting model (with its two versions: "the elderly as the leaders of a winning coalition with the poor" and the "once and for all election" model), the "time-intensive model of political competition" and the "taxpayer protection model". Each of the explanations is compared with the international and historical facts. A companion paper explores the "efficiency" and "narrative" theories, and derives implicationsof all the theories for replacing the typical pay-as-you-go system with a forced savings plan.

Electoral competition under the threat of political unrest

We study elections in which one party (the strong party) controls a source of political unrest; e.g., this party could instigate riots if it lost the election. We show that the strong party is more likely to win the election when there is less information about its ability to cause unrest. This is because when theweak party is better informed, it can more reliably prevent political unrest by implementing a ``centrist'' policy. When there is uncertainty over the credibility of the threat, ``posturing'' by the strong party leads to platform divergence.

Iowa DOT Quick Tour, May 12, 2009

The DOT, created by the Iowa Legislature, began operating July 1,1975. The newly formed Department of Transportation had a staff of 4,568 full-time equivalents (FTEs). These employees and their responsibilities came from the Highway Commission, Reciprocity Board, Aeronautics Commission, and parts of the Commerce Commission, Department of Revenue and Finance, Department of Public Safety and the Energy Policy Council. The DOT continually looks at ways to become more efficient in serving our customers. As a result the current workforce equals approximately 3,049 full-time employees. The seven transportation commissioners set policy for the department and are appointed by the governor, with no more than four from one political party. Membership on the commission is gender-balanced. Commissioners are confirmed by the Iowa Senate and serve on a staggered basis for four-year terms. Commission meetings are usually held monthly in Ames. The meetings are open to the public and follow a printed agenda.

Of housing and politics : mapping political opportunities for mobilising in Bangalore, India

Quelles sont les conditions pour l'émergence d'une mobilisation sociale en faveur du logement convenable dans la métropole de Bangalore (Inde)? Cette question, qui est au coeur de cette thèse, est particulièrement pertinente dans le contexte d'une ville où 1,7 million de personnes, soit un cinquième de la population, vit dans des bidonvilles. L'absence d'un mouvement mettant en cause l'échec des politiques publiques du logement est intéressante dans la mesure où l'Inde a hérité un système de gouvernance colonial et d'une tradition de mouvements sociaux. Pour répondre à ce questionnement, un cadre théorique issu de la littérature sur les mouvements sociaux est développé. Il s'articule autour des liens entre les opportunités politiques au niveau macro et les répertoires d'action des organisations de mouvement social (OMS) au niveau méso, de la tension entre la formalité de la loi et des politiques publiques et l'informalité des circuits d'échange, de la corruption et du clientélisme, et enfin, se focalise sur les systèmes de discours de caste et de la citoyenneté et de leur concrétisation dans des systèmes d'organisations et de réseaux sociaux. Ce cadre théorique permet d'étudier empiriquement la question à travers quatre OMS dans la ville de Bangalore. Les résultats mettent en avant l'existence de mécanismes complexes. Les opportunités politiques formelles n'étant ouvertes que sur le plan rhétorique, elles ne peuvent être véritablement utilisées que par des moyens légaux ou contentieux, ce qui nécessite des compétences sociales dont la plupart des habitants des bidonvilles sont dépourvus. L'inadéquation entre les ressources à disposition pour les logements sociaux et les besoins très importants des pauvres, donne un poids politique considérable aux acteurs en charge de l'attribution de ces ressources rares. Cet état de fait a des répercussions sur la politique électorale. Les habitants des bidonvilles représentant un poids électoral important, ils sont mobilisés à travers de pratiques clientélistes. La corruption et le clientélisme se nourrissent mutuellement pour maintenir une certaine dépendance des habitants. Les OMS qui développent un répertoire discursif remettant en cause le système de caste et qui encouragent une conscience citoyenne, se sont avérées les plus durables pour résister à la cooptation des forces politiques. Cette recherche empirique met en lumière l'inadéquation entre les prescriptions formelles dans le domaine de la gouvernance des besoins humains, tels que le logement, et les pratiques réelles sur le terrain. Cette recherche appelle à réfléchir au-delà de la diffusion du discours sur la « bonne gouvernance » vers des formes de « gouvernance vernaculaire » qui prendrait au sérieux l'informalité en développant une compréhension des avantages à court terme pour les personnes marginalisées dans la ville et les effets à long terme sur la pratique démocratique. - What are the conditions for the emergence of a social movement on the issue of adequate housing in the metropolitan city of Bangalore (India)? This question is at the heart of this dissertation and is particularly pertinent against the background that an estimated 1.7 million or about 20% of the city's population lives in slums. The absence of a movement addressing the failure of public housing policy despite India having inherited colonial systems of governance and traditions of movement is noteworthy. Answers are sought within a theoretical framework stemming from social movement theories that incorporates three linkages articulating around: Macro-level political opportunities and meso-level action repertoires of social movement organisations (SMOs), tensions between the formality of law, policy and the informality of exchange circuits of corruption and clientelism and finally around systems of discourses of caste and citizenship and their instantiation in concrete systems of social organisations and networks. This thesis is empirically investigated through a qualitative case study research design involving four sampled social movement organisations. The results bring complex mechanisms to the fore. Formal political opportunities are only rhetorically open and have to be cracked through legal weaponry or contentious escalation, which requires considerable social skills that slum-dwellers often lack. The inadequacy between the few housing resources and the vast number of slum-dwellers transform housing benefits and urban service provisions into political currency. Such a state of affairs has serious repercussions on conditions for mobilisation. They become imbricated with electoral logic, in which slum-dwellers represent large vote-banks and where corruption and clientelism feed each other to maintain a certain dependency of the poor. SMOs deploying a discursive repertoire that questioned the caste system and encouraged a pursuit of citizenship proved to be the most sustainable to resist co-option from political forces. This empirical investigation brings to light the mismatch between the formal prescriptions in the domain of the governance of basic human needs such as housing and the real practices on the ground. This research calls to reflect beyond the inadequacy of the diffused « good governance » discourse towards forms of « vernacular governance » that take informality seriously in understanding the short-term benefits for the marginalised in the city and the long-term effects on democratic practice.

The discourse on political pluralism in early eighteenth-century England : a conceptual study with special reference to terminology of religious origin

Doctoral dissertation, University of Jyväskylä

La Transformación de la Presidencia del Consejo Europeo a raíz del Tratado de Lisboa y su impacto sobre el control de la agenda europea

L'objecte d'aquesta recerca és analitzar en quina mesura la nova presidència permanent del Consell Europeu establerta pel Tractat de Lisboa ha transformat la funció presidencial i ha comportat un canvi qualitatiu en el funcionament del Consell Europeu, així com en el seu procés de presa de decisions. Les conclusions de l'estudi apunten a que el canvi en el sistema presidencia ha comportat un increment en l'eficàcia del Consell Europeu alhora que ha provocat una concentració de nous poders en la presidència gràcies a l'ús dels mecanismes d'establiment i control de l'agenda.

Does Direct Democracy Matters for Political Parties : An Empirical Test in the Swiss Cantons

According to most political scientists and commentators, direct democracy seems to weaken political parties. Our empirical analysis in the 26 Swiss cantons shows that this thesis in its general form cannot be maintained. Political parties in cantons with extensive use of referendums and initiatives are not in all respects weaker than parties in cantons with little use of direct democratic means of participation. On the contrary, direct democracy goes together with more professional and formalized party organizations. Use of direct democracy is associated with more fragmented and volatile party systems, and with greater support for small parties, but causal interpretations of these relationships are difficult.

Que cache l'agenda caché [What is behind the hidden agenda?]

The physicians often forget to ask their patients if they would like to discuss other complaints or topics. It is sometimes quite difficult to explore the patient's complaints; while the physicians tend to focus on the immediate problem, the patients may have not only one, but several hidden agendas during a visit. In a caring relation there is a clear advantage to clarify the implicit. The search for the hidden agenda is to improve the care of i) biomedical problems ii) the social quest presented to the physicians. The sentence "Oh, by the way, doctor..." should not be only understood as an information but also as a relational expression and a reaction to the imminent separation from the physician.

Precarious Work: Agenda and Implications for Corporate Social Responsibility

Precarious work, in contrast to regular, permanent wage work, is commonly associated to insecure and unstable, and often poor quality jobs. The concept of precarious work relates either to a socioeconomic group which allows one to refer it to a "class in itself," or as - pursued more recently - to the precarization process which results in a growing fragmentation of societal structures. Common to both conceptions is that they refer to the exposition of workers to employment instability, limited access to legal and union protection, socially irresponsible and discriminating employment practices, and social and economic vulnerability in general. The present contribution provides an overview of some key issues and future directions of research on precarious work relevant to CSR researchers, policy-makers, and social scientists.