Trabalho escravo contemporâneo e Estado capaz no Brasil

This thesis demonstrates the exercise of slave labor in the context of free or decent work, in contemporary times, supported by the federal constitution 1988 Brazil than places like fundamentals "the dignity of the human person" and "the social values of work and free enterprise" , and is as fundamental objectives of the Federative Republic of Brazil "build a free, just and united society," "guarantee national development", "eradicate poverty and marginalization and reduce social and regional inequalities", "promote the well all without prejudice of origin, race, sex, color, age and any other forms of discrimination. " It is considered that the analytical work category interacts both conceptually as an integral part of the capitalist development model as a driving force to the definition of State Capable. The panorama of acquired rights and rights infringed upon evidences the presence, or not, of the Brazilian state. Highlights, however, as state functions are being performed under the auspices of the Democratic State of Rights. So the original question that motivated this work is: To what extent the Brazilian government is structured to implement measures that can eradicate modern-day slavery? This question led to questions as: The Brazilian state has never failed in implementing the policy of "eradication to work analogous to slavery"? The answer the research questions were outlined using the dialectical materialist historical method under a sociological perspective in order to draw relationships and interrelationships between the current situation of the concept contemporary slavery and its historical roots. In the theoretical framework considers the conceptual approach regarding the capable state in order to answer the question regarding the eradication policy to contemporary forced labor and the Brazilian nation-state's ability to put it into action. In this sense, it employed concepts such as state, nation-state and capable state, from the interpretations of Bresser-Pereira, including the discussion regarding the formation of the arrangements and conservative and progressive political alliances. The research subject was analyzed from the reports published in 2013 by the Ministry of Labour after the Special Group of the inspection actions for Mobile Inspection (GEFM) to Combat Labour Analogous to Slave. The study of public policies related to the eradication program to work analogous to slavery takes up the discussion regarding the conditionality of free labor, or decent, in contemporary Brazil, and reveals that in Brazil the effectiveness or efficacy of government actions comply with governing the Federal Constitution-88, namely, to preserve "the dignity of the human person" and "the social values of work and free enterprise" is an ongoing process. There are advances, but these are conditioned to Brazil stage in the formation of the nation state and the national society.

A luta pela independência na Guiné-Bissau e os caminhos do projeto educativo do PAIGC: etnicidade como problema na construção de uma identidade nacional

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico (CNPq)

A linguagem da violência nos contos de Famílias terrivelmente felizes de Marçal Aquino

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

A revolução capitalista

The Capitalist Revolution was the period of the transition from the ancient societies to capitalism; it was a long transition that began in North Italy, in the 14th century, and for the first time got completed in England, in the second part of the 18th century, with the formation of the nation state and the Industrial Revolution; it is a major rupture, which divided the history of mankind between a period where empires or civilizations prospered and fell into decadence and disappeared, to a period of ingrained economic development and long-term improvement of standards of living. Since then the different peoples are engaged in the social construction of their nations and their states; since then, they are experiencing economic development, because capitalism is essentially dynamic; since then they are struggling for the political objectives that they historically defined for themselves since that revolution: security, freedom, economic well-being, social justice, and protection of the environment.

Assessing the support needs of women with early breast cancer in Australia

The purpose of the current study was to access the degree to which the support needs of women with a newly diagnosed, early invasive, primary breast cancer and their families are being met. A random sample of 544 women diagnosed with early breast cancer was recruited to participate in a telephone survey via state and territory cancer registries. Sixteen percent of women reported not receiving enough support during their diagnosis and treatment, and only 65% of these women reported that their families received enough support. The primary sources of support for women and their families were medical practitioners (eg, surgeons, oncologists, and general practitioner) with very few women or family members utilizing mental health professionals. Given the importance of adequate support when being diagnosed and treated for breast cancer, urgent attention needs to be paid to training medical professionals in providing appropriate support and referrals for their patients.

Principles of Australian public law

In this relatively short book, David Clark sets out to fill what he perceives to be a gap in the presently available writing on Australian public law by achieving two distinct objectives. The first is to remedy 'one of the oddest limitations of current public law writing in Australia' by detailing the history and operation of the state and territory constitutions as well as their philosophical underpinnings. The other is to explore certain areas of federal public law, such as the laws applicable to the constitution and operation of the Commonwealth Parliament and non-judicial bodies such as the Ombudsman, which are often not dealt with in leading constitutional and administrative law texts. It is acknowledged by the author that attempting to cover such a wide range of topics is a 'high-wire act'. Fortunately, apart from one slight stumble, Clark manages to keep his balance and has produced a useful précis of a number of the institutions and concepts that are fundamental to the orderly functioning of Australian society.

Pain relief for neonates in Australian hospitals: A need to improve evidence-based practice

Objective: To ascertain the extent to which neonatal analgesia was used in Australia for minor invasive procedures as an indicator of evidence-based practice in neonatology. Methods: A cross-sectional telephone survey of hospitals in all Australian states and territories with more than 200 deliveries per year was carried out. Questions were asked regarding awareness of the benefits and the use of analgesia for minor invasive procedures in term and near term neonates. Analysis was undertaken according to state and territory, annual birth numbers and the level of neonatal nursery care available. Results: Data were available from 212 of 214 eligible hospitals. Of the total respondents, 51% and 70% respectively were aware of the benefits of sucrose and breast-feeding for neonatal analgesia. Eleven per cent of units administered sucrose before venepuncture and 25% of units used breast-feeding. Ten per cent of units used sucrose before heel prick with 49% utilizing breast-feeding. Expressed breast milk was used in 10% of units. Analgesia was given less frequently before intravenous cannulation compared to venepuncture and heel prick. Awareness and implementation of neonatal analgesia varied widely in the states and territories. There was a trend for hospitals providing a higher level of neonatal care to have a greater awareness of sucrose as an analgesic (P < 0.0001) and the use of sucrose for venepuncture (P = 0.029), heel prick (P = 0.025) and intravenous catheter insertion (P = 0.013). Similar trends were found on analysis according to birth number of the maternity units. Smaller units had a greater usage of breast-feeding as an analgesic for heel prick (P = 0.017). Conclusion: Despite good evidence for the administration of sucrose and breast milk in providing effective analgesia for newborn infants, it is not widely used in Australia. It is imperative that the gap between research findings and clinical practice with regard to neonatal analgesia be addressed.

A critical evaluation of theories of nationalism

This thesis considers the main theoretical positions within the contemporary sociology of nationalism. These can be grouped into two basic types, primordialist theories which assert that nationalism is an inevitable aspect of all human societies, and modernist theories which assert that nationalism and the nation-state first developed within western Europe in recent centuries. With respect to primordialist approaches to nationalism, it is argued that the main common explanation offered is human biological propensity. Consideration is concentrated on the most recent and plausible of such theories, sociobiology. Sociobiological accounts root nationalism and racism in genetic programming which favours close kin, or rather to the redirection of this programming in complex societies, where the social group is not a kin group. It is argued that the stated assumptions of the sociobiologists do not entail the conclusions they draw as to the roots of nationalism, and that in order to arrive at such conclusions further and implausible assumptions have to be made. With respect to modernists, the first group of writers who are considered are those, represented by Carlton Hayes, Hans Kohn and Elie Kedourie, whose main thesis is that the nation-state and nationalism are recent phenomena. Next, the two major attempts to relate nationalism and the nation-state to imperatives specific either to capitalist societies (in the `orthodox' marxist theory elaborated about the turn of the twentieth century) or to the processes of modernisation and industrialisation (the `Weberian' account of Ernest Gellner) are discussed. It is argued that modernist accounts can only be sustained by starting from a definition of nationalism and the nation-state which conflates such phenomena with others which are specific to the modern world. The marxist and Gellner accounts form the necessary starting point for any explanation as to why the nation-state is apparently the sole viable form of polity in the modern world, but their assumption that no pre-modern society was national leaves them without an adequate account of the earliest origins of the nation-state and of nationalism. Finally, a case study from the history of England argues both the achievement of a national state form and the elucidation of crucial components of a nationalist ideology were attained at a period not consistent with any of the versions of the modernist thesis.

¿Y la memoria para qué? participación política de mujeres víctimas del conflicto armado. Estudio de caso: ruta pacífica de las mujeres (2005-2014)

El interés de este Estudio de Caso es identificar y explicar los alcances de la construcción de memoria en la sociedad colombiana, no sólo como elemento de no olvido sino también como herramienta de resistencia y de acción de aquellos que la construyen y reconstruyen. Por ello, la investigación pretende determinar el vínculo existente entre memoria y participación política, analizando y explicando la manera como mujeres pertenecientes a Ruta Pacífica de las Mujeres han construido memoria respecto a los procesos de violencia que enfrentan y la forma como ello ha hecho posible la consolidación de una identidad colectiva por medio de la cual resisten a la violencia y a los códigos culturales que la perpetúan. En consecuencia, se efectúa un análisis a los documentos elaborados por Ruta Pacífica respecto a construcción de memoria y junto con ello, un examen a los procesos participativos que han adelantado las mujeres pertenecientes a Ruta Pacífica.

Territory and party:explaining public policy variation in the German Länder

This paper discusses in way in which partisan influence upon public policy, and wider historical, political and institutional pressures, can operate on a regional level and can lead to divergent policies existing within a nation-state. It offers an empirical discussion of two policy areas (education and childcare) at the regional Level (the level of the Länder) in Germany, confirming that both the partisan composition of regional government, and also wider institutional and historical pressures, exert a clear influence upon policy, lead to sharply variations in policy within the nation state. Two conclusions can be drawn: that the region cab be an important unit of analysis in Political Science and Public Policy, and that scholars of policy change may find the regional level fertile ground in analysing wider political phenomena.

Between Nation and State: Albanian Associations from Ottoman Origins to a Communist Party, 1880 - 1945

This dissertation addresses the broader antecedents of the Communist Party of Albania (CPA) as one of a number of associations whose experience was central to Albanian political history. This long experience dates back to the informal national associations formed in the Ottoman Empire of the late nineteenth century. The dissertation examines the role of these associations which, pursuing language rights and political representation through imperial state reforms, set a pattern that struggled to connect nation and state, rather than asserting the territorial demands for a nation-state familiar across the region. Starting out in the Ottoman Empire, but then maturing in the Albanian diaspora in Romania, Bulgaria, Egypt and the United States, this dissertation shows politically significant processes of longer-term adaptation that created informal associations as institutional structures able to channel collective action. It then traces the reframing of these patterns through their destruction in the Balkan Wars and the First World War to the emergence of communist associations in the interwar period and beyond. This dissertation is a sustained study that traces long-term Ottoman imperial political legacies in the Albanian successor state. The story of the associations, based on hitherto unexamined archival documents, shows that the Albanians possessed a far greater capacity for political mobilization that previously acknowledged by historians. Moreover, the dissertation successfully challenges the conventional wisdom that portrays the Albanians as irreparably divided along sectarian and regional faultlines. It finds that Albanian national activism was civic in character rather than ethnic as elsewhere in the Balkans. The Albanians fought to remain within a multinational framework because this afforded them political security, social advancement and potential economic growth. In the late Ottoman period, this political objective was manifested in the acceptance of the supranational imperial order whereas during the Second World War, in the aspiration to become members of the Comintern internationalist movement. Another important find, is the newly-discovered evidence concerning the founding of the CPA and its wartime conduct as an organization created and led by the Albanians themselves, albeit with Yugoslav ideological assistance under the transnational umbrella of the Comintern.

Natural Disasters and Comparative State-Formation and Nation-Building: Earthquakes in Argentina and Chile (1822-1939)

Natural disasters in Argentina and Chile played a significant role in the state-formation and nation-building process (1822-1939). This dissertation explores state and society responses to earthquakes by studying public and private relief efforts reconstruction plans, crime and disorder, religious interpretations of catastrophes, national and transnational cultures of disaster, science and technology, and popular politics. Although Argentina and Chile share a political border and geological boundary, the two countries provide contrasting examples of state formation. Most disaster relief and reconstruction efforts emanated from the centralized Chilean state in Santiago. In Argentina, provincial officials made the majority of decisions in a catastrophe’s aftermath. Patriotic citizens raised money and collected clothing for survivors that helped to weave divergent regions together into a nation. The shared experience of earthquakes in all regions of Chile created a national disaster culture. Similarly, common disaster experiences, reciprocal relief efforts, and aid commissions linked Chileans with Western Argentine societies and generated a transnational disaster culture. Political leaders viewed reconstruction as opportunities to implement their visions for the nation on the urban landscape. These rebuilding projects threatened existing social hierarchies and often failed to come to fruition. Rebuilding brought new technologies from Europe to the Southern Cone. New building materials and systems, however, had to be adapted to the South American economic and natural environment. In a catastrophe’s aftermath, newspapers projected images of disorder and the authorities feared lawlessness and social unrest. Judicial and criminal records, however, show that crime often decreased after a disaster. Finally, nineteenth-century earthquakes heightened antagonism and conflict between the Catholic Church and the state. Conservative clergy asserted that disasters were divine punishments for the state’s anti-clerical measures and later railed against scientific explanations of earthquakes.

Identidad nacional, lengua y escuela = National identity, language and school

La globalización cuestiona la existencia de una relación mimética entre ciudadanía y Estado-nación. Las identidades homogéneas, sustentadas ideológicamente en nociones como «lengua nacional», plantean problemas en sociedades en las que ha crecido espectacularmente la diversidad lingüística e identitaria. Cataluña es un territorio en el que una parte de la población afirma una identidad catalana distinta a la española y viceversa. Además, se ha teorizado que la identidad catalana y la lengua catalana coexisten mutuamente. Por eso, se suceden voces que defienden la presencia del catalán en la educación escolar como fuente de la identidad nacional catalana, mientras que otras voces defienden su presencia simplemente como una buena manera de aprender el catalán cuando no se puede aprender en el medio social y familiar. En los últimos años, Cataluña ha recibido casi un millón de personas extranjeras que han modificado notablemente su situación sociolingüística. Las últimas encuestas manifiestan que un 6,3% de la población utiliza habitualmente una lengua distinta del catalán y del castellano. En este marco, mostramos las construcciones identitarias de un grupo de adolescentes de origen extranjero que están en el segundo ciclo de la ESO. Los datos fueron recogidos mediante dos grupos de discusión de seis-siete estudiantes de distinto origen, lengua propia y tiempo de residencia en Cataluña. Los resultados muestran la importancia del lugar de origen en la construcción de la identidad. Además, los participantes que afirman sentimientos catalanes o españoles no los relacionan con la lengua sino con los intercambios sociales que han establecido con sus iguales de origen naciona. Las intervenciones muestran también las dificultades para promover identidades múltiples desde el contexto escolar que eviten actitudes racistas y xenófobas y sirvan para promover proyectos colectivos de futuro en los que se pueda vivir desde una cierta diferencia

Governing the Local: Sovereignty, Social Governance and Community Safety

There has been much commentary about the re-ordering of the relations between nation state government, geographical territory, and populations in the advanced liberal democracies. This is seen as a product of: increasing demographic and cultural diversity due to legal and illegal migration; economic, cultural, and political global interdependence; footloose mobility of capital and the outsourcing of jobs to poorer countries; the growing power of international corporations and financial markets; and the growth of supra-national bodies like the European Union and The North Atlantic Free Trade Association, the World Trade Organisation, and (debatably), the UN. These developments are held to be associated with the gradual demise of the model of the increasingly secular nation state first crystallised by the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. This conception provided a mutual, guarantee of states’ jurisdiction over territory and populations through their legitimated attempts to monopolise the use of force. Though, the relations between these states have always been asymmetrical and often challenged (Hunter 1998).

Seeding a Profession: The Intersection of the State, International Interests, and the Early Development of Brazilian Nursing

State and international entities can have profound effects on the development of a country’s nursing profession. Through a global health governance lens, this paper explores the development of nursing in Brazil during the early twentieth century, and its intersections with national and international interests. Accordingly, we will show how state policies established an environment that fostered the institutionalization of nursing as a profession in Brazil and supported it as a means to increase the presence of females in nation building processes. The State focused on recruiting elite women for nursing, in part due to the Rockefeller Foundation’s involvement in the country. Nurses who worked for Rockefeller came from well-educated classes within US society with specific ideas about who should be a nurse and the roles of nurses in a healthcare system. These women served as the primary vehicles for interacting with Brazilian health authorities responsible for health system development. Their early efforts did not, however, ensure a system capable of producing nursing human resources at a rate that, in present day Brazil, could meet the health needs of the country. Findings from this paper offer new avenues for historians to explore the early roots of professional nursing through a global health governance lens, improve the understanding of the intersection between international politics and professionalization, and highlight how these factors may impact nursing human resources production in the long term.