996 resultados para Museo Pio-Clementino (Vatican City)


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The sinking of the RMS Titanic in 1912 represents one of the most infamous maritime disasters in the history of shipping. Yet despite it entering the public imagination in the decades after its sinking, until recently it has all but been erased from the collective memory of the people of Belfast, the city in which it was built. In a post-conflict context, however, Belfast has begun to re-imagine the role of the ship in the city’s history, most particularly in the re-development of the docklands area and its designation as the Titanic Quarter, and through its landmark project the Titanic Belfast museum. This paper will trace the economic, social and political context from which the Titanic was built, and the role that this played in silencing any very public commemoration of its sinking until after the signing of the Belfast Agreement. The ‘story’ told in the new museum will be analysed from this perspective and will illustrate how the wounds of the Troubles continue to inform the interpretation of the city’s divided past.

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Cities are constantly changing, and city centres are the pinnacle of that change. In the last hundred years these changes have been dramatic, transforming city centres from a complex combination of uses into exclusively retail and leisure areas. Meanwhile, most residents of city centres fled to the suburbs, removing much of the livelihood of central areas. These transformations has been stronger in Northern Europe and especially in English speaking countries, where zoning policies were instrumental in urban development since the 1960s. This process along with the rise of shopping malls left many city centre streets lifeless, which in turn caused the dereliction and demolition of significant heritage areas and buildings. Belfast is no exception, where the broad process of suburbanization and zoning since the 1970s produced a city centre for either retail or dereliction, where much built heritage has been lost or is at risk of being lost.

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In the 1980s, urban re-imaging and place marketing were vital elements in the strategies of post-industrial cities aiming to redefine their role, make themselves more competitive and attract global investment and tourists. By the early 1990s, the questionable effects of trickle-down economics on deprived housing estates and the rediscovery of the 'community' as a social partner shifted both the substance and process of vision exercises. This paper examines the experience of building an input into a city vision that aimed to address social and ethno-religious segregation in Derry/Londonderry. Designing a consensus statement for a city that cannot agree its name, was wrecked by bloody violence and has its hinterland fractured by a contested international border, is a difficult and delicate process. The city had a population of 105 800 people in 1998, but is divided by the river Foyle between the mainly Catholic Cityside (to the north and west) and the mainly Protestant Waterside (to the south and east). The analysis connects with the literature on urban policy that emphasises the importance of argumentation and democratic debate in strategic planning and local regeneration (Forester, 1989; Healey, 1996). The paper concludes by arguing that strategies for 'listening' would help to shape a vision that could mobilise community interests around some common urban regional issues and help to promote social and ethno-religious polarisation as mainstream policy concerns.

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The chapter focuses on the development of sustainable growing infrastructure in the city at two scales. Firstly the development of a large-scale city wide fuel productive landscape through the development of algae arrays in Liverpool and their connection through urban agriculture systems to develop a closed-cycle food and energy system where waste is food and secondly a hyper-localised neighbourhood food production system in Salford UK that utilises a closed cycle aquaponic system to re-invigorate an urban food desert.

The author develops a three-part model for the implementation of urban agriculture based on hardware (the technological system), software (the biological components) and interface (the links to food and other social networks). The conclusion being that it is possible to develop urban agriculture in cities if their implementation is seen as a process, rather than a static design. Also that as the benefits of such systems are wider than purely the physical outputs of the system in terms of energy and food, and thus we should re-evaluate the purely economic model of appraisal to include these.

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The term “culture war” has become a generic expression for secular-catholic conflicts across nineteenth-century Europe. Yet, if measured by acts of violence, anticlericalism peaked in the years between 1927 and 1939, when thousands of Catholic priests and believers were imprisoned or executed and hundreds of churches razed in Mexico, Spain and Russia. This essay argues that not only in these three countries, but indeed across Europe a culture war raged in the interwar period. It takes, as a case study, the interaction of communist and Catholic actors located in the Vatican, the Soviet Union, and Germany in the period between the beginning of the Pontificate of Pius XI in 1922 and Hitler’s appointment as chancellor of Germany in 1933. Using correspondence and reports from the Vatican archives, this essay shows how Papal officials and communist leaders each sought to mobilize the German populace to achieve their own diplomatic ends. German Catholics and communists gladly responded to the call to arms that sounded from Rome and Moscow in 1930, but they did so also to further their own domestic goals. The case study shows how national contexts inflected the transnational dynamics of radical anti-Catholicism in interwar Europe. In the end, agitation against “godlessness” did not lead to the return of a “Christian State” desired by many conservative Christians. Instead, the culture war further destabilized the republic and added a religious dimension to a landscape well suited to National Socialist efforts to reach a Christian population otherwise mistrustful of its völkisch and anticlerical elements.

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Introduction to special feature on 'post-conflict' Belfast