945 resultados para Lutheran Church South Wisconsin District
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verso: parade? Church is in the 100 block (-L. Steck)
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"May 1981."
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Mode of access: Internet.
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WI docs no.: Emp 2.1/2:1936-1939
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Accompanied by bound supplement (v. 3, 3161-4207 p.) by Curtis Hillyer, published in 1926.
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Bibliography: p. 56-58.
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Chiefly tables.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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Patch formation is common in grazed grasslands but the mechanisms involved in the formation and maintenance of patches are not clear. To increase our knowledge on this subject we examined possible reasons for patch formation and the influence of management on changes between patch states in three experiments in native pasture communities in the Crows Nest district, south-east Queensland. In these communities, small-scale patches (tall grassland (dominated by large and medium tussock grasses), short swards (dominated by short tussock grasses and sedges), and lawns (dominated by stoloniferous and/or rhizomatous grasses)) are readily apparent. We hypothesized that the formation of short sward and lawn patches in areas of tall grassland was due to combinations of grazing and soil fertility effects. This was tested in Experiment 1 by applying a factorial combination of defoliation, nutrient application and transplants of short tussock and stoloniferous species to a uniform area of tall grassland. Total species density declined during the experiment, was lower with high nutrient applications, but was not affected by defoliation. There were significant changes in abundance of species that provided support for our hypotheses. With light defoliation and low nutrients, the tall grassland remained dominated by large tussock grasses and contained considerable amounts of forbs. With heavy defoliation, the pastures were dominated by medium tussock grasses and there were significant decreases in forbs and increases in sedges (mainly with low nutrients) and stoloniferous grasses (mainly with high nutrients). Total germinable seed densities and those of most species groups were significantly lower in the heavy defoliation than the light defoliation plots. Total soil seed numbers were not affected by nutrient application but there were fewer seeds of the erect forbs and more sedge seeds in plots with high nutrients. The use of resting from grazing and fire to manage transitions between patches was tested. In Experiment 2, changes in species density and abundance were measured for 5 years in the three patch types with and without grazing. Experiment 3 examined the effects of fire, grazing and resting on short sward patches over 4 years. In Experiment 2, total species density was lower in lawn than short sward or tall grassland patches, and there were more species of erect forbs than other plant groups in all patch types. The lawn patches were originally dominated by Cynodon spp. This dominance continued with grazing but in ungrazed patches the abundance of Cynodon spp. declined and that of forbs increased. In the short sward patches, dominance of short tussock grasses continued with grazing but in ungrazed plots their abundance declined while that of large tussock grasses increased. The tall grassland patches remained dominated by large and medium tussock species. In Experiment 3, fire had no effect on species abundance. On the grazed plots the short tussock grasses remained dominant but where the plots were rested from grazing the small tussock grasses declined and the large tussock grasses increased in abundance. The slow and relatively small changes in these experiments over 4 or 5 years showed how stable the composition of these pastures is, and that rapid changes between patch types are unlikely.
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At first glance, the nationalist ideology of the French Revolution seems to have had little impact on the Orthodox Church in Romanian-speaking territories. Romanians were the predominant inhabitants of the principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia and the neighboring territories of Transylvania (including Crişana, Maramureş and Banat), Bukovina, Bessarabia, and Dobrudja. The majority of ethnic Romanians belonged to the Orthodox faith while their communities were at the intersection of geopo liti cal interests of the Rus sian, Ottoman, and Habsburg empires. In 1859 the Principalities of Wallachia and Moldavia (known as the Old Kingdom between 1866 and 1918) united into a single state under the rule of a local prince. The term "Romania" began to be used by the new state in its of cial documents in 1862. Two years later, the state supported the declaration of a Romanian autocephalous (in de pen dent) church that was recognized by the Ecumenical Patriarchate in 1885. As an integrative part of the Orthodox commonwealth, the church was situated between the competing jurisdictions of the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the Rus sian Orthodox Church, while its declaration of autocephaly followed a pattern in the spread of national churches in Southeastern Europe. From the Treaty of Kuchuk Kainardji of 1774 to the beginning of the Greek War for In de pen dence in 1821, the Romanian principalities were under the suzerainty of the Ottoman Empire, which had full control of their po liti cal and economic affairs. The sultan appointed princes, and the Porte determined their po liti cal and judicial status. The princes were drawn from the "Phanariots," and were directly appointed by the Porte from preponderantly Greek elite rather than the Romanian local elite, the boyars (boieri).1 In each principality, the church was headed by a metropolitan who was under the direct jurisdiction of the Ecumenical Patriarchate. That religion mattered to local population as a means of social cohesion was suggestively depicted by Anatole de Demidoff, an En glish traveler in the region in 1837. Arriving in Bucharest, the capital of Wallachia, he claimed that: I know of no city in Europe in which it is possible to find more agreeable society, or in which there is a better tone, united with the most charming gaiety⋯. Religion, which is here of the schismatic Greek creed, does not, properly speaking, hold any great empire over the minds of the Wallachian people, but they observe its outward forms, and particularly the austerities of fasting, with scrupulous exactitude. The people are seen to attend divine ser vice with every sign of respect, and the great number of churches existing in Wallachia, bear witness to the ardent zeal with which outward worship is honored.2 The Romanian Orthodox Church was a national institution, closely linked to social, economic, and po liti cal structures. In most cases, Orthodox hierarchs were appointed from the families of boyars, thus ensuring a close relationship with the state authorities and its policies. As one of the largest landowners in the principalities, the church had a prime role in administrating healthcare and education. Although the majority of the clergy was uneducated, it dispensed both ecclesiastical and civil justice and in many cases worked closely with boyars in local administration.3 The lower clergy not only contributed directly to the economy but also benefited from tax privileges. Some small villages had an unusually high proportion of clergy in comparison to the overall population. For example, in 1810, Stənisləveşti, a village in the south of Wallachia, was composed of eleven houses and had two priests, five deacons, and three cantors; similarly, the Frəsinet village of nineteen houses had two priests and five deacons.4 Although these cases were exceptional, they indicate both the economic value of being a member of the clergy and the wider canonical dimension of church jurisdiction. The special status of the clergy was reflected not only at lower but also at higher levels. Bishops and metropolitans engaged with state policy and in many cases opposition to the authorities led to the loss of a spiritual seat. The metropolitan of each principality worked with the prince and was president of the divan, the gathering of all boyars. He held the right to be the first person to comment on state policy and to make recommendations when the prince was absent. The metropolitan replaced the prince when the principality had no political ruler, such as in the cases of Metropolitan Veniamin Costachi of Moldavia in 1806 and Metropolitan Dositei Filitti of Wallachia, while the bishops of Buzəu and Argeş were members of the provisional government during the Rus sian occupation of the principalities in 1808. The higher clergy had both religious and political prerogatives in relation to foreign powers as evident in their heading of the boyars' delegation to peace negotiation between the Rus sian and Ottoman empires at Focşani in 1772 and addressing memoranda to the Austrian and Rus sian governments in 1802.5 The primary role of the church in the principalities of Moldavia and Wallachia was paralleled by the national mobilization of Orthodox communities in the neighboring territories that had Romanian inhabitants. Although throughout the region Orthodox communities were incorporated into church structures as part of the Habsburg, Austrian or Rus sian empires, the nineteenth century was characterized by the leadership's search for political autonomy and the building of a Romanian national identity. The Orthodox communities outside the Old Kingdom maintained relations with the faithful in principalities across the Carpathian Mountains and the Dniester River and sought support in their struggle for political and religious rights.
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The purpose of this study was to examine the role of a Christian church in the career development of its congregants. Contemporary theorists in the 21st century view career development as the totality of an individual's life, and the literature revealed that 85% of Americans claim the practice of Christianity as a major life role. Therefore, an understanding of the church's role in the lives of its congregants is essential when conceptualizing career development theories. Traditional and contemporary theories formed the framework for this examination, which was guided by four research questions: How do congregants of a local church view its contribution to their career development; how do church leaders characterize the potential of the church for making a contribution to the career development of congregants; how useful are church sermon concepts to the career development of congregants; how do church programs and activities contribute to the career development of congregants? A Christian church in South Florida was the study's site, as it was identified as a church which focused on career development. Basic interpretive qualitative inquiry was used to collect and analyze three data sources: interviews, sermon recordings, and church documents. Twenty-four participants were interviewed using two interview guides to elicit perspectives of 15 congregants and 9 church leaders. The interviews and 13 sermon recordings were transcribed and analyzed. Church documents were categorized and analyzed for evidence of career development programs and activities. The findings revealed that the church played the following role in the participants' life career development: empowerment, guidance for life, learning and development, safety and support, and servant-leadership. As a result of their church participation, and through the learning and development from programs and activities, participants developed an awareness of their identity, purpose, and meaning for their lives. These constructs supported their interactions within the environments of home, work, school, and community. This holistic perspective revealed that an integration of traditional and contemporary career development theories was necessary to conceptualize the role of this Christian church in the career development of its congregants.
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Precipitation and temperature in Florida responds to climate teleconnections from both the Pacific and Atlantic regions. In this region south of Lake Okeechobee, encompassing NWS Climate Divisions 5, 6, and 7, modern movement of surface waters are managed by the South Florida Water Management District and the US Army Corps of Engineers for flood control, water supply, and Everglades restoration within the constraints of the climatic variability of precipitation and evaporation. Despite relatively narrow, low-relief, but multi-purposed land separating the Atlantic Ocean from the Gulf of Mexico, South Florida has patterns of precipitation and temperature that vary substantially on spatial scales of 101–102 km. Here we explore statistically significant linkages to precipitation and temperature that vary seasonally and over small spatial scales with El Niño-Southern Oscillation (ENSO), the Atlantic Multidecadal Oscillation (AMO), and the Pacific Decadal Oscillation (PDO). Over the period from 1952 to 2005, ENSO teleconnections exhibited the strongest influence on seasonal precipitation. The Multivariate ENSO Index was positively correlated with winter (dry season) precipitation and explained up to 34 % of dry season precipitation variability along the southwest Florida coast. The AMO was the most influential of these teleconnections during the summer (wet season), with significant positive correlations to South Florida precipitation. These relationships with modern climate parameters have implications for paleoclimatological and paleoecological reconstructions, and future climate predictions from the Greater Everglades system.
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This study presents perceptions of principals in a leadership induction program in a large urban school district in the southeastern United States. Qualitative research procedures were used to document experiences of principals. Theoretical constructs guiding the study were professional socialization, organizational socialization, and instructional leadership.