903 resultados para Japanese drama.
Resumo:
OBJECTIVE: Assess the association between nonnutritive sucking habits and anterior open bite in the deciduous dentition of Japanese-Brazilian children. METHODS: 410 children of Japanese origin were assessed, 206 boys and 204 girls, between 2 and 6 years of age, in schools in São Paulo State, Brazil. Questionnaires concerning their nonnutritive sucking habits were sent to their legal guardians. Chi-square tests (p<0.05) were applied to assess the association between nonnutritive sucking habits and anterior open bite, and the logistic regression test to obtain the relative risk. RESULTS: The prevalence of sucking habits found in the sample was of 44.6% and for the anterior open bite, 4.4%. There was a statistically significant association between anterior open bite and sucking habits (O.R.=10.77), persistence of sucking habits from 2 to 4 years old (O.R.=22.06), and the persistence of sucking habits from 4 to 6 years old (O.R.=17.31). As for the interruption period of the habit, the group that had interrupted the habit for a period equal or inferior to six months showed an increased prevalence of open bite compared to the group without this habit or in which the habit was interrupted for more than six months. CONCLUSION: Japanese-Brazilian children that had sucking habits have greater chance of acquiring anterior open bite in the deciduous dentition.
Resumo:
O artigo analisa o processo de produção de moradia do imigrante japonês no Vale do Ribeira, na região sul do estado de São Paulo, ocorrido no início do século XX. Partindo do contexto histórico do início da colonização da região e as condicionantes que possibilitaram a criação da colônia, o trabalho busca verificar como foram construídas as casas que, baseados na autoconstrução e tendo a terra e madeira formaram o repertório de quase 500 casas. Põe foco em dois exemplares onde são analisadas a técnica do tsuchikabe e as sambladuras; verificando que mesmo diante das adversidades encontradas na natureza distinta de sua origem construíram casas de elevada qualidade. Os saberes trazidos do extremo oriente foram aplicados e se mesclaram às influências, cabocla, quilombola e europeia que hoje, após um século, representam uma categoria expressiva e variada sob os aspectos construtivo, tipológico e programático.
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[EN]Linguistic immersion programs are increasing nowadays. The concept of being bilingual, that started being used by schools for the elite in the 19th century, and that in the mid- 20th century became an educational option, has given raise to CLIL (Content and Language Integrated Learning), a methodology through which students work in a bilingual environment, acquiring knowledge of curricular subject and developing their competences in a foreign language. In this teaching context started a new European project called PlayingCLIL. Six partners from different European countries (Germany, United Kingdom, Spain and Romania) are working in this project. Our main aim is to develop a new methodology to learn a foreign language combining elements from the pedagogic drama (interactive games) with the CLIL classroom. At present we are testing the games in different schools and high schools and we are compiling the results to be collected in a handbook (printed and e-book).
Resumo:
Questo lavoro è imperniato sullo studio di uno dei melodrammi più interessanti della fine del XVII secolo: “Il carceriere di sé medesimo” di Lodovico Adimari (1644-1708) e Alessandro Melani (1639-1703), allestito per la prima volta a Firenze nel 1681, e ripreso nel giro di una ventina d’anni a Reggio (1684), a Bologna (1697) e a Vienna (1702). L’opera vanta un’origine drammatica di spicco: risale infatti alla commedia “Guardarse a sí mismo” di Pedro Calderón de la Barca (1600-1681) mediata dal “Geôlier de soi-mesme” di Thomas Corneille (1625-1709), e presenta qualità poetiche e musicali evidenti, assicurate dai nomi del poeta Lodovico Adimari e del compositore Alessandro Melani. A ciò si aggiungano una tradizione articolata in quattro allestimenti, nonché un elevato numero di testimoni superstiti: cinque edizioni del libretto (testimoniate da numerosi esemplari) e il numero fortunatissimo di tre partiture manoscritte, conservate a Parigi, Bologna e Modena. La tesi contiene l’edizione critica del “Carceriere di sé medesimo” di Adimari con tutte le varianti accumulatesi nella riedizione del libretto e nella copiatura della partitura, l’analisi del dramma, a partire dal confronto tra i testi di Calderón, Corneille e Adimari, e lo studio delle sue componenti drammatiche, formali e contenutistiche. Si aggiunge uno studio sul contesto storico-musicale degli allestimenti di Firenze, Reggio, Bologna e Vienna, nonché l’edizione dei restanti tre drammi di Adimari: la commedia “Le gare dell’amore e dell’amicizia” (1679), e il dramma per musica “L’amante di sua figlia” (1684).
Resumo:
Questa tesi si pone come scopo quello di studiare la scena teatrale contemporanea russa, utilizzando come pretesto la traduzione della piéce “Žara” dell’autrice Natalija Mošina. Mošina fa parte del movimento teatrale chiamato ‘novaja drama, che si è sviluppato in Russia a partire da fine anni Novanta. Nel primo capitolo tratteremo brevemente la storia del teatro russo del Novecento, per osservare come si è giunti alla formazione di questo nuovo movimento. Passeremo poi ad analizzare il movimento vero e proprio, concentrandoci sulle posizioni artistiche dei suoi membri e sul tipo di innovazione che vogliono portare al teatro russo. Proporremo poi una selezione dei luoghi che rinnovano la scena teatrale moscovita. Il secondo capitolo è interamente dedicato ad uno di questi luoghi, il Teatr Praktika, primo teatro statale ad occuparsi esclusivamente di testi contemporanei, di cui vedremo la storia dalla sua fondazione ai giorni nostri e analizzeremo il repertorio vedendo come gli spettacoli messi qui in scena riflettano le posizioni del novaja drama. Nel capitolo conclusivo parleremo più approfonditamente della pièce da noi tradotta vedendo come si colloca all’interno della produzione dell’autrice e del novaja drama, analizzandone la messa in scena al Praktika. Proporremo poi delle riflessioni sulla traduzione di testi teatrali facendo riferimento alla traduzione da noi svolta, che proporremo di seguito.
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SETTING: Cordoba, Spain, 1135 CE, 29th year of the reign of ‘Ali “amir al-muslimin,” second king of the Berber Almoravid dynasty, rulers of Moorish Spain from 1071 to 1147. Cordoba, the capital of Andalus and the center of the Almoravid holdings in Spain, is a bustling cosmopolitan center, a crossroads for Europe and the Middle East, and the meeting-point of three religious traditions. Most significantly, Cordoba at this time is the hub of European intellectual activity. From the square—itself impressively large and surrounded by a massive collonade, the regularity and ordered beauty of which typifies the Moorish taste for symmetry (so beloved of M.C. Escher)—can be seen the huge Cordoban mosque, erected in the 8th-century by Khalif Abd-er-Rahman I to the glory of Allah, oft forgiving, most merciful. It is the second largest building in Islam, and the bastion of the still entrenched but soon to fade Muslim presence in western Europe. SCENE: Three figures sit upon stone benches beneath the westernmost colonnade of the Cordoban mosque, involved in an animated, though friendly discussion on matters of faith and reason, knowledge and God, language and logic. The host is none other than Jehudah Halevi, and his esteemed guests Master Peter Abelard and the venerable Råmånuja, whose obviously advanced age belies his youthful voice, gleaming eye, quick hands, and general exuberance. It is autumn, early evening…
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Reform is a word that, one might easily say, characterizes more than any other the history and development of Buddhism. Yet, it must also be said that reform movements in East Asian Buddhism have often taken on another goal—harmony or unification; that is, a desire not only to reconstruct a more worthy form of Buddhism, but to simultaneously bring together all existing forms under a single banner, in theory if not in practice. This paper explores some of the tensions between the desire for reform and the quest for harmony in modern Japanese Buddhism thought, by comparing two developments: the late 19th century movement towards ‘New Buddhism’ (shin Bukkyō) as exemplified by Murakami Senshō 村上専精 (1851–1929), and the late 20th century movement known as ‘Critical Buddhism’ (hihan Bukkyō), as found in the works of Matsumoto Shirō 松本史朗 and Hakamaya Noriaki 袴谷憲昭. In all that has been written about Critical Buddhism, in both Japanese and English, very little attention has been paid to the place of the movement within the larger traditions of Japanese Buddhist reform. Here I reconsider Critical Buddhism in relation to the concerns of the previous, much larger trends towards Buddhist reform that emerged almost exactly 100 years previous—the so-called shin Bukkyō or New Buddhism of the late-Meiji era. Shin Bukkyō is a catch-all term that includes the various writings and activities of Inoue Enryō, Shaku Sōen, and Kiyozawa Manshi, as well as the so-called Daijō-hibussetsuron, a broad term used (often critically) to describe Buddhist writers who suggested that Mahāyāna Buddhism is not, in fact, the Buddhism taught by the ‘historical’ Buddha Śākyamuni. Of these, I will make a few general remarks about Daijō-hibusseturon, before turning attention more specifically to the work of Murakami Senshō, in order to flesh out some of the similarities and differences between his attempt to construct a ‘unified Buddhism’ and the work of his late-20th century avatars, the Critical Buddhists. Though a number of their aims and ideas overlap, I argue that there remain fundamental differences with respect to the ultimate purposes of Buddhist reform. This issue hinges on the implications of key terms such as ‘unity’ and ‘harmony’ as well as the way doctrinal history is categorized and understood, but it also relates to issues of ideology and the use and abuse of Buddhist doctrines in 20th-century politics.
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The decline of traditional religions in Japan in the past century, and especially since the end of World War Two, has led to an explosion of so-called “new religions” (shin shūkyō 新宗教), many of which have made forays into the political realm. The best known—and most controversial—example of a “political” new religion is Sōka Gakkai 創価学会, a lay Buddhist movement originally associated with the Nichiren sect that in the 1960s gave birth to a new political party, Komeitō 公明党 (lit., Clean Government Party), which in the past several decades has emerged as the third most popular party in Japan (as New Komeitō). Since the 1980s, Japan has also seen the emergence of so-called “new, new religions” (shin shin shūkyō 新新宗教), which tend to be more technologically savvy and less socially concerned (and, in the eyes of critics, more akin to “cults” than the earlier new religions). One new, new religion known as Kōfuku-no-Kagaku 幸福の科学 (lit., Institute for Research in Human Happiness or simply Happy Science), founded in 1986 by Ōkawa Ryūho 大川隆法, has very recently developed its own political party, Kōfuku Jitsugentō 幸福実現党 (The Realization of Happiness Party). This article will analyse the political ideals of Kōfuku Jitsugentō in relation to its religious teachings, in an attempt to situate the movement within the broader tradition of religio-political syncretism in Japan. In particular, it will examine the recent “manifesto” of Kōfuku Jitsugentō in relation to those of New Komeitō and “secular” political parties such as the Liberal Democratic Party (Jimintō 自民党) and the Democratic Party (Minshutō 民主党).
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For several centuries, Japanese scholars have argued that their nation’s culture—including its language, religion and ways of thinking—is somehow unique. The darker side of this rhetoric, sometimes known by the English term “Japanism” (nihon-jinron), played no small role in the nationalist fervor of the late-nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. While much of the so-called “ideology of Japanese uniqueness” can be dismissed, in terms of the Japanese approach to “religion,” there may be something to it. This paper highlights some distinctive—if not entirely unique—features of the way religion has been categorized and understood in Japanese tradition, contrasting these with Western (i.e., Abrahamic), and to a lesser extent Indian and Chinese understandings. Particular attention is given to the priority of praxis over belief in the Japanese religious context. Des siècles durant, des chercheurs japonais ont soutenu que leur culture – soit leur langue, leur religion et leurs façons de penser – était en quelque sorte unique. Or, sous son jour le plus sombre, cette rhétorique, parfois désignée du terme de « japonisme » (nihon-jinron), ne fut pas sans jouer un rôle déterminant dans la montée de la ferveur nationaliste à la fin du XIXe siècle, ainsi qu’au début du XXe siècle. Bien que l’on puisse discréditer pour l’essentiel cette soi-disant « idéologie de l’unicité japonaise », la conception nippone de la « religion » constitue, quant à elle, un objet d’analyse des plus utiles et pertinents. Cet article met en évidence quelques caractéristiques, sinon uniques du moins distinctives, de la manière dont la religion a été élaborée et comprise au sein de la tradition japonaise, pour ensuite les constrater avec les conceptions occidentale (abrahamique) et, dans une moindre mesure, indienne et chinoise. Une attention toute particulière est ici accordée à la praxis plutôt qu’à la croyance dans le contexte religieux japonais.
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This essay provides a critical analysis of the aesthetic ideology of “Gomanism” in the manga of Kobayashi Yoshinori (b. 1953), particularly Yasukuniron (On Yasukuni, 2005) and Tennōron (On the Emperor, 2009), in order to flesh out the implications of the author’s “revisionist” approach to Japanese religion, politics and history.
Resumo:
In this thesis, I examine the influences of westernization, the tension between Japanese modernity and tradition, and the stories of Hans Christian Andersen on Ogawa Mimei’s children’s stories. I begin the body of my thesis with a brief historical background of Japan, beginning with the start of the Meiji period in 1868. Within the historical section, I focus on societal and cultural elements and changes that pertain to my thesis. I also include the introduction of Hans Christian Andersen in Japan. I wrap up the historical section by a description of Ogawa’s involvement in the Japanese proletarian literature movement and the rise of the Japanese proletarian children’s literature movement. Then, I launch into an analysis of Ogawa’s works categorized by thematic elements. These elements include westernization, class conflict, nature and civilization, religion and morals, and children and childhood. When relevant, I also compare and contrast Ogawa’s stories with Andersen’s. In the westernization section, I show how some of Ogawa’s stories demonstrate contact between Japan and the West. In the Class Conflict section, I discuss how Ogawa views class through a socialist lens, whereas Andersen does not dispute class distinctions, but encourages his readers to attempt an upward social climb. In the nature and civilization section, I show how Ogawa and Andersen share common opinions on the impact of civilization on nature. In the religion and morals section, I show how Ogawa incorporates religion, including Christianity, into vii his works. Andersen utilizes religion in a more overt manner in order to convey morals to his audience. Both authors address religious topics like the concept of the afterlife. Finally, in children and childhood, I demonstrate how both Ogawa and Andersen treat their child protagonists and use them and their situations to instruct their readers. Through this case study, I show how westernization and the tensions between Japanese modernization and tradition led to the rise of the proletarian children’s literature movement, which is exemplified by Ogawa’s stories. The emergence of the proletarian children’s literature movement is an indication of the establishment of a new concept of childhood in Japan. Writers like Ogawa Mimei attempted to write children’s stories that represented the new Japanese culture that was a result of adapting Western ideals to fit Japanese society. Some of Ogawa’s stories are a direct commentary on his opinion of Japanese interaction with the West. By comparing Ogawa’s and Andersen’s stories, I demonstrate how Ogawa borrows certain Western elements and possibly responds directly to Andersen. Ogawa also addresses some of the same topics as Andersen, yet their reactions are not always the same. What I find in my analysis supports my thesis that Ogawa is able to maintain Japanese tradition while infusing his children’s stories with Western and modern elements. In doing so, he reflects a largely popular social and cultural practice of his time.