The Re-Emergence of Suriname’s Désiré (Desi) Bouterse: Political Acumen and Geopolitical Anxiety

This study examines some concerns that derive from Suriname‘s May-July 2010 elections, which resulted in the re-emergence of erstwhile military ruler and convicted drug trafficker, Désiré (Desi) Bouterse, as President of the Republic. The victory reflects Bouterse‘s political acumen in aggregating disparate political interests and in establishing a viable coalition government. But because of his history and profile, this triumph has generated anxiety in some places internationally. In this respect, the study examines anxieties related to three matters: (a) relations with Guyana, where there is an existing territorial dispute and a recently resolved maritime dispute, (b) illegal drug trafficking operations, and (c) foreign policy engagement with Venezuela. There has been a flurry of bilateral activities—including several presidential summits—with Guyana since President Bouterse‘s inauguration, albeit seemingly more about symbolism than substance. Although the maritime dispute was settled by a Tribunal of the United Nations Convention of the Law of the Sea in 2007, the 15,000 km2 New River Triangle is still unresolved. Indeed, in June 2011 President Bouterse reasserted Suriname‘s claim to the Triangle. Suriname has upped the ante in that dispute by portraying internationally the map of Suriname as inclusive of the disputed area. In all likelihood that self-redefinition slowly will become the country‘s cartographic definition in the eyes of the world if Guyana does not successfully rebuff that move or pursue the definitive settlement of the dispute. A geonarcotics assessment shows Suriname to be still heavily implicated in trafficking, because of geography, law enforcement limitations, corruption, and other factors. But despite Bouterse‘s drug-related history and that of former senior military officers, several reasons suggest the inexpediency of a narco-state being created by Bouterse. As well, as part of Suriname‘s pursuit of increased Caribbean and South American engagement, it has boosted relations with Venezuela, which has included it in PetroCaribe and provided housing and agricultural aid. However, the engagement appears to be driven more by pragmatism and less by any ideological affinity with Hugo Chavez.

Latin America and the Caribbean in 2011 and Beyond: A conversation among Latin America and Caribbean Specialists.

For the first time in more than fifty years, the domestic and external conflicts in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) are not primarily ideological in nature. Democracy continues to thrive and its promise still inspires hope. In contrast, the illegal production, consumption, and trading of drugs – and its links to criminal gangs and organizations – represent major challenges to the region, undermining several States’ already weak capacity to govern. While LAC macroeconomic stability has remained resilient, illegal economies fill the region, often offering what some States have not historically been able to provide – elements of human security, opportunities for social mobility, and basic survival. Areas controlled by drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) are now found in Central America, Mexico, and the favelas of Rio de Janeiro and São Paulo, reflecting their competition for land routes and production areas. Cartels such as La Familia, Los Zetas, and Primeiro Comando da Capital (PCC-Brazil), among others, operate like trade and financial enterprises that manage millions of dollars and resources, demonstrating significant business skills in adapting to changing circumstances. They are also merciless in their application of violence to preserve their lucrative enterprises. The El Salvador-Guatemala-Honduras triangle in Central America is now the most violent region in the world, surpassing regions in Africa that have been torn by civil strife for years. In Brazil’s favelas and Guatemala’s Petén region, the military is leaving the barracks again; not to rule, however, but to supplement and even replace the law enforcement capacity of weak and discredited police forces. This will challenge the military to apply lessons learned during the course of their experience in government, or from the civil wars that plagued the region for nearly 50 years during the Cold War. Will they be able to conduct themselves according to the professional ethics that have been inculcated over the past 20 years without incurring violations of human rights? Belief in their potential to do good is high according to many polls as the Armed Forces still enjoy a favorable perception in most societies, despite frequent involvement in corruption. Calling them to fight DTOs, however, may bring them too close to the illegal activities they are being asked to resist, or even rekindle the view that only a “strong hand” can resolve national troubles. The challenge of governance is occurring as contrasts within the region are becoming sharper. There is an increasing gap between nations positioned to surpass their “developing nation” status and those that are practically imploding as the judicial, political and enforcement institutions fall further into the quagmire of illicit activities. Several South American nations are advancing their political and economic development. Brazil in particular has realized macro-economic stability, made impressive gains in poverty reduction, and is on track to potentially become a significant oil producer. It is also an increasingly influential power, much closer to the heralded “emerging power” category that it aspired to for most of the 20th century. In contrast, several Central American States have become so structurally deficient, and have garnered such limited legitimacy, that their countries have devolved into patches of State controlled and non-State-controlled territory, becoming increasingly vulnerable to DTO entrenchment. In the Caribbean, the drug and human trafficking business also thrives. Small and larger countries are experiencing the growing impact of illicit economies and accompanying crime and violence. Among these, Guyana and Suriname face greater uncertainty, as they juggle both their internal affairs and their relations with Brazil and Venezuela. Cuba also faces new challenges as it continues focusing on internal rather than external affairs and attempts to ensure a stable leadership succession while simultaneously trying to reform its economy. Loosening the regime’s tight grip on the economy while continuing to curtail citizen’s civil rights will test the leadership’s ability to manage change and prevent a potential socio-economic crisis from turning into an existential threat. Cuba’s past ideological zest is now in the hands of Venezuela’s President Hugo Chavez, who continues his attempts to bring the region together under Venezuelan leadership ideologically based on a “Bolivarian” anti-U.S. banner, without much success. The environment and natural disasters will merit more attention in the coming years. Natural events will produce increasing scales of destruction as the States in the region fail to maintain and expand existing infrastructure to withstand such calamities and respond to their effects. Prospects for earthquakes, tsunamis, and hurricanes are high, particularly in the Caribbean. In addition, there are growing rates of deforestation in nearly every country, along with a potential increase in cross-sector competition for resources. The losers might be small farmers, due to their inability to produce quantities commensurate to larger conglomerates. Regulations that could mitigate these types of situations are lacking or openly violated with near impunity. Indigenous and other vulnerable populations, including African descendants, in several Andean countries, are particularly affected by the increasing extraction of natural resources taking place amongst their terrain. This has led to protests against extraction activities that negatively affect their livelihoods, and in the process, these historically underprivileged groups have transitioned from agenda-based organization to one that is bringing its claims and grievances to the national political agenda, becoming more politically engaged. Symptomatic of these social issues is the region’s chronically poor quality of education that has consistently failed to reduce inequality and prepare new generations for jobs in the competitive global economy, particularly the more vulnerable populations. Simultaneously, the educational deficit is also exacerbated by the erosion of access to information and freedom of the press. The international panorama is also in flux. New security entities are challenging the old establishment. The Union of South American Nations, The South American Defense Council, the socialist Bolivarian Alliance, and other entities seem to be defying the Organization of American States and its own defense mechanisms, and excluding the U.S. And the U.S.’s attention to areas in conflict, namely Iraq, Afghanistan, and Pakistan – rather than to the more stable Latin America and Caribbean – has left ample room for other actors to elbow in. China is now the top trading partner for Brazil. Russian and Iran are also finding new partnerships in the region, yet their links appear more politically inclined than those of China. Finally, the aforementioned increasing commercial ties by LAC States with China have accelerated a return to the preponderance of commodities as sources of income for their economies. The increased extraction of raw material for export will produce greater concern over the environmental impact that is created by the exploitation of natural resources. These expanded trade opportunities may prove counterproductive economically for countries in the region, particularly for Brazil and Chile, two countries whose economic policies have long sought diversification from dependence on commodities to the development of service and technology based industries.

A "voz das ruas" e a rearticulação da ideologia conservadora

The aim of this paper is to analyze the street demonstrations occurred last June and July 2013, which appear as samples of the hegemonic fights in course in Brazil, during the so-called Big Wave of the social groups in conflict nowadays in the country. Among other questions, this study tries to explain how the varied stages of these fighting groups influenced their late ones. For that, it takes into consideration the bibliography available not only on these groups, but also on the social and political contemporary Brazil. That is why it evaluates political documents, as well as opinion pieces, news and others disseminated by the press or by political groups. Speeches made by political leaderships, as, for example, that one the President Dilma Roussef made on 21 July 2013, deserves close analysis. This also applies to contributions made by secondary data, poll institutions and IBGE’s socio-economic data. Categories and concepts of Antonio Gramsci’s political sociology are used here as theoretic bases. In fact, it favors the hypothesis that, during the dispute for the intellectual and moral command of demonstrations on July 2013, a certain middle-class conservative ideology emerged on scene. This group conquered the agreement of hegemonic mass media acting now as a political party, here designated as media party. These media resorted to platforms preexistent to the demonstration movements, especially their rejection to political organizations and programs in order to ascend as the demonstrations’ leaders along a certain period in which corruption appeared as the central theme of these efforts, while the government tried to get control of the situation. In view of the several forces and issues at stake, the present study contributes to the discussion about the current reality in Brazil and its perspectives, without losing sight of the centrality of the June Movements as political and ideological milestones

We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela

We Are the Ones We Have Been Waiting for: Pan-African Consciousness Raising and Organizing in the United States and Venezuela, draws on fifteen months of field research accompanying organizers, participating in protests, planning/strategy meetings, state-run programs, academic conferences and everyday life in these two countries. Through comparative examination of the processes by which African Diaspora youth become radically politicized, this work deconstructs tendencies to deify political s/heroes of eras past by historicizing their ascent to political acclaim and centering the narratives of present youth leading movements for Black/African liberation across the Diaspora. I employ Manuel Callahan’s description of “encuentros”, “the disruption of despotic democracy and related white middle-class hegemony through the reconstruction of the collective subject”; “dialogue, insurgent learning, and convivial research that allows for a collective analysis and vision to emerge while affirming local struggles” to theorize the moments of encounter, specifically, the moments (in which) Black/African youth find themselves becoming politically radicalized and by what. I examine the ways in which Black/African youth organizing differs when responding to their perpetual victimization by neoliberal, genocidal state-politics in the US, and a Venezuelan state that has charged itself with the responsibility of radically improving the quality of life of all its citizens. Through comparative analysis, I suggest the vertical structures of “representative democracy” dominating the U.S. political climate remain unyielding to critical analyses of social stratification based on race, gender, and class as articulated by Black youth. Conversely, I contend that present Venezuelan attempts to construct and fortify more horizontal structures of “popular democracy” under what Hugo Chavez termed 21st Century Socialism, have resulted in social fissures, allowing for a more dynamic and hopeful negation between Afro-Venezuelan youth and the state.

Usos mediáticos del carisma de Dolores Ibárruri en los inicios de la Transición

El artículo ofrece un análisis de la función cumplida por Dolores Ibárruri, Pasionaria, durante la Transición a la democracia en España. Se centra en dos acontecimientos en los que la líder comunista tuvo un papel relevante: su retorno del exilio el 13 de mayo de 1977 y su presencia en la sesión inaugural de las primeras Cortes democráticas el 13 de julio de ese mismo año. A través del análisis del tratamiento de los medios de estos actos, se defenderá la idea del reciclaje del carisma, observando cómo un liderazgo carismático construido en un periodo histórico (la Guerra Civil) fue reutilizado en otro: la transición a la democracia. En este caso, con el fin de legitimar el proceso e instalar la idea de reconciliación en el relato de la Transición.

28 de octubre de 1982, una noche para un líder. Radiografía de una imagen para la Historia

El presente artículo aborda la relación entre los medios de comunicación y la Transición española. La prensa tuvo un gran protagonismo durante esa etapa, al hacerse eco e impulsar la acción política en pro de la democracia. Con posterioridad, los medios han intentado gestionar el discurso sobre su significación actual. Dentro de esta lógica, la fotografía ha alcanzado un estatus singular gracias a su papel de cronista y su circulación posterior, una suerte de “memoria gráfica” llamada a contener los momentos decisivos del periodo. En este sentido, la foto de Felipe González y Alfonso Guerra, saludando desde el balcón del Hotel Palace la noche del 28 de octubre de 1982, se ha convertido en un icono de la Transición.

Análisis Crítico y Complejo de los discursos periodísticos verbovisuales entre Bolivia y Chile en el contexto de la demanda por la soberanía marítima boliviana

Los medios de prensa tienen un rol determinante en la construcción, legitimación y representación de distintas realidades socioculturales, las cuales a su vez generan lineamientos institucionalizados de unas identidades nacionales sobre otras, creando relaciones desiguales en base de prejuicios y estereotipos. Los países vecinos cuentan con historias de unidad y conflictos, pero el tiempo a veces no es suficiente para cerrar viejas heridas, como ocurre con la Guerra del Pacífico (18791883). En este contexto se analizaron las noticias de los medios con mayor injerencia a nivel país: La Razón (Bolivia) y El Mercurio (Chile), donde, por medio de una herramienta metodológica de Análisis Crítico y Complejo del Discurso Verbovisual, se buscó dilucidar los procesos de construcción discursiva de cada Estadonación y confirmar cómo éstos se mantienen a través del tiempo.

The consumer before the infoxication in the press discourse

In the media current context, the user is exposed every day to an informative saturation without precedents. The variety of the media by means of that it receives information, together with the revolution to all the levels that has supposed the Internet integration, it does that the consumer is bombarded literally by multitude of messages. But this bombardment does not imply an informative quality, but it can suppose an imbalance between the number of information and the quality of the same ones, avoiding so the user know the reality with veracity and depth. This article analyzes exhaustively the phenomenon of this overexposure named infoxication, the true dangers that it encloses, the possible solutions and how it affects the user and the Journalism in the production of written and audiovisual products through different mass media.

News agencies, their constant reinvention as a strategy to face competition

News agencies compete for a foothold as providers of information and mass media. Covered by a technological class infrastructure, Associated Press, Reuters, Agence FrancePresse (AFP) and EFE are leaders of the global media system because they introduce revolutionary changes in their production routines, professional culture, journalistic genres and styles; also for its innovative product offerings and services. This article also focuses on the strategies of the agencies to get closer to their audiences, from the agreements established and the treatment of very specific themes. Some solutions that contribute to the future survival of these entities are also proposed.

La protección de los derechos al honor, intimidad y propia imagen del menor con suficiente madurez: entre el respeto a sus decisiones y la intervención del Ministerio Fiscal

En virtud del art. 3.1 de la Ley Orgánica 1/1982, de 5 de mayo, cuando los menores tengan suficiente madurez deberán consentir por sí mismos las intromisiones en sus derechos al honor, intimidad y propia imagen. Sin embargo, atendiendo al art. 4 de la Ley Orgánica de Protección Jurídica del Menor, cuando la intromisión tenga lugar en un medio de comunicación seguirá siendo ilegítima, aun consentida por un menor maduro, si se considera contraria a su honor e intereses, debiendo intervenir en su defensa el Ministerio Fiscal. Esta regulación plantea diversas cuestiones relacionadas con la protección de los derechos al honor, intimidad y propia imagen del menor con suficiente madurez —en particular, sobre la función del fiscal como garante de estos derechos y el papel que se otorga al consentimiento del menor— que son objeto de estudio del presente trabajo.

Publicidad de Guerrilla: Estudio de la campaña Coronita Save the Beach

En el presente artículo se realiza una reflexión sobre la relación existente entre las nuevas formas publicitarias de Guerrilla y el arte conceptual de los años setenta; en concreto refiriéndose a una campaña como es Coronita Save the Beach de la compañía mexicana de cervezas Coronita. Estas formas publicitarias de guerrilla han surgido como solución a la crisis de los formatos tradicionales de los medios de comunicación y a la saturación publicitaria. Son, a su vez, formatos novedosos en el ámbito publicitario, pero se ejecutan en base a esquemas artísticos del siglo XX surgidos a raíz de la crisis del objeto artístico de los años setenta. Esta crisis supuso el origen del arte conceptual, movimiento artístico que buscaba la supremacía de la idea frente al objeto artístico en sí. El arte siempre ha sido vanguardia cultural y social. Desde este punto de vista, se ha analizado esta campaña que se vale de estas vías alternativas de comunicación, estableciendo una relación entre arte y publicidad.

El debate de la medición digital: Una piedra en el camino para la consolidación de la inversión publicitaria

La llegada de ingresos provenientes de la distribución digital de la prensa continúa siendo reducida. A pesar de su volumen de lectores, el aumento de posibilidades dentro de los formatos publicitarios, la capacidad de medición del retorno de la inversión que ofrece el medio digital y la aparente unificación en la medición de audiencia que desde 2012 está presente en el mercado. De esta manera, los diferentes medios continúan sin conseguir rentabilizar la migración digital que cada día conlleva continuos gastos sin ofrecer beneficios. La audiencia como moneda de cambio en la comercialización de espacios publicitarios ha perdido todo su valor, pese al retorno de la inversión que ofrece. Este trabajo describe esta problemática y los cambios realizados antes y después del «fin del debate de la medición de audiencias» con el objetivo de poner en valor la venta de los espacios publicitarios digitales. En concreto se analiza el caso de los diarios digitales por su elevada lectura y sus escasos ingresos.

De la moral del sacrificio a la conciencia de la precariedad. Un análisis cualitativo de los discursos sobre la evolución de la crisis en España

La larga crisis económica que padece España está teniendo importantes consecuencias sociales. La más comentada por académicos, mass media y parte del arco político es la fractura social que se está abriendo en el país, ante el aumento de las desigualdades económicas que generan el enorme desempleo y las duras políticas de ajuste del gasto público. Sin embargo, más allá de cuestiones económicas la crisis está haciendo mella de forma muy profunda en el imaginario social del país en relación a las razones y consecuencias de la crisis, tanto a corto como a largo plazo. El objetivo de este artículo es el realizar una valoración de esas percepciones sociales de la ciudadanía en relación con la crisis, centrándonos en un aspecto como es el de la relación de la población española con el consumo de bienes y servicios públicos, en un escenario de hegemonía de la austeridad como única receta anti-crisis. Para ello, realizaremos un análisis de los discursos recogidos en una investigación cualitativa realizada en el año 2014 mediante grupos de discusión. Los resultados muestran un pesimismo enorme de la población en relación al futuro del Estado del Bienestar y de la propia clase media española, junto a una frustración que puede anunciar futuros ciclos de movilización social.

La gárgola en la cultura visual actual

La gárgola ha poblado desde antiguo las cornisas de los edificios religiosos y civiles, sirviendo de evacuación para el agua y para diferentes misiones según las distintas interpretaciones. Su gran componente simbólico hace de ella un reclamo muy interesante para el mundo audiovisual actual. De entre las manifestaciones encontradas, estudiaremos la visión de la gárgola en estos medios y valoraremos su adecuación o no a la visión medieval. Mediante la aparición de la gárgola medieval en el mundo actual en forma de personajes y ornamentos, y gracias a la aplicación de imágenes actuales a las nuevas gárgolas, podemos realizar un recorrido visual y simbólico alrededor de las distintas visiones que la cultura actual realiza de ellas. Pero no podemos quedarnos ahí, es necesario relacionar estas nuevas visiones y significaciones con las originales, para establecer si se ha hecho un uso correcto de la imagen, o se ha roto la estructura del símbolo primigenio.