Exploring policy linkages between poverty, crime and violence: a look at three Caribbean states

Includes bibliography

Kinetics of epsilon antitoxin antibodies in different strategies for active immunization of lambs against enterotoxaemia

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Eliminating gender-based violence ensuring equality: ECLAC/UNIFEM assessment of actions

This study represents a collaborative effort by the Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (ECLAC) Subregional Headquarters for the Caribbean and the United Nations Development Fund for Women (UNIFEM) to assess these actions with the aim of informing the future work of these agencies around gender-based violence. An important dimension of the mandate of the ECLAC Subregional Headquarters for the Caribbean is the provision of strategic thinking and information to governments for policy formulation. This is accomplished through technical assistance and through research activities. At the Third Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean/Caribbean Development and Cooperation Committee (ECLAC/CDCC) Ministerial Conference on Women held in October 1999, violence against women was identified as a barrier to achieving gender equality. The recommendations spoke not only of the need to extend services to victims, but also to take actions based on an understanding of the root causes of violence. This study forms one component in a scope of work in which the ECLAC Subregional Headquarters for the Caribbean has been engaged since 1999.

As limitações da Lei Maria da Penha em seu aspecto repressivo frente à violência conjugal: a experiência da Delegacia de Crimes contra a Mulher de Macapá/AP

O tema abordado é o referente à violência doméstica e familiar contra a mulher, com recorte na violência conjugal. Este trabalho analisa as limitações da Lei Maria da Penha em seu eixo repressivo. A questão abordada foi a relação entre os entraves no fluxo dos procedimentos policiais decorrentes da condição de procedibilidade (autorização da vítima) e o número de arquivamento de ocorrências. Analisamos a série histórica de registros de ocorrências feitas na Delegacia de Crimes Contra a Mulher, da cidade de Macapá – Estado do Amapá, relativos ao período de 2007 a 2011. A pesquisa teve um caráter quantitativo que constou da análise do banco de dados da Delegacia de Crimes contra a Mulher de Macapá/AP, relativo aos delitos afetos à Lei Maria da Penha. Constatou-se que há um desencontro de vontades entre grande parte das vítimas e a legislação em vigor com o fim de protegê-las, tendo em vista o alto índice de não oferta de representação que os dados apresentaram. Por outro lado, há por parte do Estado uma posição estritamente legalista que concorre para a continuidade do problema.

Gênero, violência contra a mulher e teatro do(a) oprimido(a): construindo novas possibilidades de pesquisa e intervenção social

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

O saber e o não revelar da violência sexual doméstica infantil na dinâmica do profissional escolar

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)

Trueperella pyogenes multispecies infections in domestic animals: a retrospective study of 144 cases (2002 to 2012)

Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

Anthelmintic efficacy of ivermectin and abamectin, administered orally for seven consecutive days (100 mu g/kg/day), against nematodes in naturally infected pigs

The present study aimed to evaluate ivermectin and abamectin, both administered orally in naturally infected domestic swine, as well as analysing if the EPG (eggs per gram of faeces) values were equivalent with the ivermectin and abamectin efficacy obtained by 'parasitological necropsies. The animals were randomly selected based on the average of three consecutive EPG counts of Strongylida, Ascaris suum and Trichuris for experiment I, and of Strongylida and Trichuris for experiment II. After the random draw, eight animals were treated, orally, during seven consecutive days with 100 mu g/kg/day ivermectin (Ivermectina (R) premix, Ouro Fino Agronegocios), eight other animals were treated, orally, during seven consecutive days with 100 mu g/kg/clay abamectin (Virbamax (R) premix - Virbac do Brasil Industria e Comercio Ltda.), and eight pigs were kept as controls. EPG counts were performed for each individual animal at 14th day post-treatment (DPT). All animals (control and treatment) were necropsied at the 14th DPT. The results from both experiments demonstrate that both ivermectin and abamectin, administered orally for a continuous period of seven days, at a daily dosage of 100 mu g/kg, were highly effective (>95%) against Hyostrongylus rubidus, Strongyloides ransomi, Ascaris suum and Metastrongylus salmi. Against Oesophagostomum dentatum, abamectin presented over 95% efficacy against both evaluated strains, while ivermectin reached other strain as resistant. Regarding T. suis, both ivermectin and abamectin were effective (efficacies >90%) against one of the tested strains, while the other one was classified as resistant. Furthermore, the EPG values were equivalent with the ivermectin and abamectin efficacy obtained by parasitological necropsies. (C) 2014 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

Violência interpessoal: estudo descritivo dos casos não fatais atendidos em uma unidade de urgência e emergência referência de sete municípios do estado de São Paulo, Brasil, 2008 a 2010

Objective: to describe the profile of non-fatal cases related to interpersonal violence treated in an emergency care unit of reference that serves seven municipalities of the state of São Paulo, Brazil, from 2008 to 2010. Methods: the study data came from the cases reported from the Epidemiological Vigilance in Penápolis-SP to the Brazilian Information System for Notifiable Diseases; variables were shown according to the Notification/Investigation Individual Formulary of Domestic, Sexual, and/or other Types of Violences. Results: 109 occurrences were studied; most of the victims were young and female (93.6%); and the aggressors, mostly were men (57.8%), partners or relatives/acquaintances of victims. Physical violence was the main form of aggression (93.6%), principally in the home (67.9%), on Sunday (16.5%), between 6:01pm and 12:00pm (57.8%). Conclusion: the cases reported had a consistent profile of domestic family violence against women, different from other studies about interpersonal violence in large cities and metropolitan regions

Ni una más. International cooperation against gender-based discrimination: the femicide case in Ciudad Juárez, Chihuahua, Mexico

The femicide in Ciudad Juárez is a story made of extreme violence against women for different reasons, by different actors, under different circumstances, and following different behavioural patterns. All within a gender discrimination frame based on the idea that women are inferior, interchangeable and disposable according to the patriarchal hierarchy still present in Mexico, but strongly reinforced by a sort of conspiracy of silence provoked either by the high impunity rate, the governmental incompetence to solve the crimes, or the general indifference of the population. It is the story of hundreds of kidnapped, raped, in many cases tortured, and murdered young women in the border between Mexico and the United States. The murders first came into light in 1993 and up to now young women continue to “disappear” without any hope of bringing the perpetrators to justice, stopping impunity, convicting the assassins, and bringing justice to the families of the deceased girls and women. The main questions about femicide in Ciudad Juárez seem to be: why were they brutally assassinated?, why most of the crimes have not been solved yet?, why and how is Ciudad Juárez different from other border cities with the same characteristics?, which powers are behind those crimes in a city that implies mainly women as its labor force, and which has the lowest unemployment rate in the whole country? But there are also many other questions dealing more with the context, the Juarences’ lifestyles, the eventual hidden powers behind the crimes, the possible murderers’ reasons, the response of the local civil society, or the international community actions to fight against femicide there, among many other things, that are still waiting for an answer and that this paper will ‘narrate’ in order to provide a holistic panorama for the readers. But above all there is the need to remember that every single woman or girl assassinated there had a name, an identity, a family, a story to be told time after time and as many times as necessary, in order to avoid accepting these crimes just as statistics, as cold numbers that might make us forget the human tragedy that has been flagellating the city since 1993. We must remember as well that their deaths express gender oppression, the inequality of the relations between what is male and what is female, a manifestation of domination, terror, social extermination, patriarchal hegemony, social class and impunity. The city is the perfect mirror where all the contradictions of globalization get reflected. It is there where all the globalization evils are present and survive by sucking their women’s blood. It is a city where some concepts such as gender, migration and power are closely related with a negative connotation.

Essays on the Empirical Analysis of Economic and Political Development in Sub-Saharan Africa

In Sub-Saharan Africa, non-democratic events, like civil wars and coup d'etat, destroy economic development. This study investigates both domestic and spatial effects on the likelihood of civil wars and coup d'etat. To civil wars, an increase of income growth is one of common research conclusions to stop wars. This study adds a concern on ethnic fractionalization. IV-2SLS is applied to overcome causality problem. The findings document that income growth is significant to reduce number and degree of violence in high ethnic fractionalized countries, otherwise they are trade-off. Income growth reduces amount of wars, but increases its violent level, in the countries with few large ethnic groups. Promoting growth should consider ethnic composition. This study also investigates the clustering and contagion of civil wars using spatial panel data models. Onset, incidence and end of civil conflicts spread across the network of neighboring countries while peace, the end of conflicts, diffuse only with the nearest neighbor. There is an evidence of indirect links from neighboring income growth, without too much inequality, to reduce the likelihood of civil wars. To coup d'etat, this study revisits its diffusion for both all types of coups and only successful ones. The results find an existence of both domestic and spatial determinants in different periods. Domestic income growth plays major role to reduce the likelihood of coup before cold war ends, while spatial effects do negative afterward. Results on probability to succeed coup are similar. After cold war ends, international organisations seriously promote democracy with pressure against coup d'etat, and it seems to be effective. In sum, this study indicates the role of domestic ethnic fractionalization and the spread of neighboring effects to the likelihood of non-democratic events in a country. Policy implementation should concern these factors.

Do domestic interests matter? – Der Einfluss nationaler Interessengruppen auf die Position von Staaten zur Umweltpolitik auf EU-Ebene

Wie kann man Ergebnisse internationaler Umweltpolitik erklären? Wie hilfreich ist dabei die liberale Theorie der Internationalen Beziehungen (IB) von Andrew Moravcsik? Die vorliegende Arbeit versucht diese Fragen anhand eines Fallbeispiels internationaler Umweltpolitik – der Position der Bundesrepublik Deutschland bezüglich der einzelnen Streitfragen der EU-Verordnung 443/2009 über den CO2-Ausstoß von Automobilen – zu beantworten. Es wird eine theoriegeleitete Außenpolitikanalyse durchgeführt, deren Hauptaugenmerk auf der spezifischen nationalen Präferenzbildung in einem bestimmten Fall liegt. Hier weist Moravcsiks Theorie eine „Lücke“ auf. Wessen Interessen sich aus welchen Gründen in einer bestimmten Situation wie durchsetzen und damit Politik beeinflussen bleibt unklar. Deshalb erweitert die Arbeit Moravcsiks liberale Theorie der IB mithilfe von Annahmen und Erkenntnissen aus der Verbändeforschung nach innen. Auf diese Weise werden die situationsspezifischen Interessen und die situationsspezifische Durchsetzungsfähigkeit der betroffenen Akteure – nationale Interessengruppen – erhoben und untersucht, inwiefern man mit ihrer Hilfe die deutsche Position zur EU-Verordnung 443/2009 erklären kann. Empirisch erweist sich dabei, dass die Position der BRD zu acht von neun Streitfragen der EU-Verordnung 443/2009 den Interessen einer Koalition aus Industriegewerkschaft (IG) Metall und Verband der Automobilindustrie (VDA) entsprach, weil diese im vorliegenden Fall mit Abstand die größte Durchsetzungsfähigkeit aufwiesen. Lediglich bezüglich einer Streitfrage wich die Position der BRD von den Interessen von IG Metall und VDA ab. Damit lässt sich festhalten: Die Position der BRD zur EU-Verordnung 443/2009 kann weitgehend mithilfe der nach innen erweiterten liberalen Theorie nach Andrew Moravcsik erklärt werden. Trotz möglicher Schwierigkeiten bei der Übertragung erscheint daher eine Anwendung des nach innen erweiterten Liberalismus auf weitere erklärungsbedürftige Phänomene der internationalen Umweltpolitik und damit eine Überprüfung der Theorie insgesamt eine interessante und sinnvolle Aufgabe zu sein.

Cost-effective intervention thresholds against osteoporotic fractures based on FRAX® in Switzerland

FRAX-based cost-effective intervention thresholds in the Swiss setting were determined. Assuming a willingness to pay at 2× Gross Domestic Product per capita, an intervention aimed at reducing fracture risk in women and men with a 10-year probability for a major osteoporotic fracture at or above 15% is cost-effective.

Racism, Youth Violence and the New Right: A Comparative Study of the Political Transformation of Extremism in Hungary and Romania

This research focused on the re-emerging of national and minority identities and the concomitant hostilities emerging from them in Hungary and in Romania. In particular the findings indicate that extremist incidents against members of minority groups on the local level seem to follow patterns in publicised media events. Violent attacks by skinheads against Gypsies in Hungary are often isolated incidents but are also inadvertently supported by biased media coverage, hostile majority attitudes and stereotyped behaviour reproduced in the media. The research also indicates that extremism both in Hungary against Gypsies and in Romania against Hungarians is of three kinds: organised within the framework of extremist groups, state-supported violence (both real and symbolic), and isolated, local instances with a few perpetrators committing atrocities. However, and this is a positive development, with rising interethnic tensions and extremist attacks prevalent in Hungary and Romania, there is also a parallel emergence of a more sophisticated human and minority rights campaign to combat them.