Humanitaarisuuden varjossa : Poliittiset tekijät lastensiirroissa Ruotsiin sotiemme aikana ja niiden jälkeen

The evacuation of Finnish children to Sweden during WW II has often been called a small migration . Historical research on this subject is scarce, considering the great number of children involved. The present research has applied, apart from the traditional archive research, the framework of history-culture developed by Rüsen in order to have an all-inclusive approach to the impact of this historical event. The framework has three dimensions: political, aesthetic and cognitive. The collective memory of war children has also been discussed. The research looks for political factors involved in the evacuations during the Winter War and the Continuation War and the post-war period. The approach is wider than a purely humanitarian one. Political factors have had an impact in both Finland and Sweden, beginning from the decision-making process and ending with the discussion of the unexpected consequences of the evacuations in the Finnish Parliament in 1950. The Winter War (30.11.1939 13.3.1940) witnessed the first child transports. These were also the model for future decision making. The transports were begun on the initiative of Swedes Maja Sandler, the wife of the resigned minister of foreign affairs Rickard Sandler, and Hanna Rydh-Munck af Rosenschöld , but this activity was soon accepted by the Swedish government because the humanitarian help in the form of child transports lightened the political burden of Prime Minister Hansson, who was not willing to help Finland militarily. It was help that Finland never asked for and it was rejected at the beginning. The negative response of Minister Juho Koivisto was not taken very seriously. The political forces in Finland supporting child transports were stronger than those rejecting them. The major politicians in support belonged to Finland´s Swedish minority. In addition, close to 1 000 Finnish children remained in Sweden after the Winter War. No analysis was made of the reasons why these children did not return home. A committee set up to help Finland and Norway was established in Sweden in 1941. Its chairman was Torsten Nothin, an influential Swedish politician. In December 1941 he appealed to the Swedish government to provide help to Finnish children under the authority of The International Red Cross. This plea had no results. The delivery of great amounts of food to Finland, which was now at war with Great Britain, had automatically caused reactions among the allies against the Swedish imports through Gothenburg. This included the import of oil, which was essential for the Swedish navy and air force. Oil was later used successfully to force a reduction in commerce between Sweden and Finland. The contradiction between Sweden´s essential political interests and humanitarian help was solved in a way that did not harm the country´s vital political interests. Instead of delivering help to Finland, Finnish children were transported to Sweden through the organisations that had already been created. At the beginning of the Continuation War (25.6.1941 27.4.1945) negative opinion regarding child transports re-emerged in Finland. Karl-August Fagerholm implemented the transports in September 1941. In 1942, members of the conservative parties in the Finnish Parliament expressed their fear of losing the children to the Swedes. They suggested that Finland should withdraw from the inter-Nordic agreement, according to which the adoptions were approved by the court of the country where the child resided. This initiative failed. Paavo Virkkunen, an influential member of the conservative party Kokoomus in Finland, favoured the so-called good-father system, where help was delivered to Finland in the form of money and goods. Virkkunen was concerned about the consequences of a long stay in a Swedish family. The risk of losing the children was clear. The extreme conservative party (IKL, the Patriotic Movement of the Finnish People) wanted to alienate Finland from Sweden and bring Finland closer to Germany. Von Blücher, the German ambassador to Finland, had in his report to Berlin, mentioned the political consequences of the child transports. Among other things, they would bring Finland and Sweden closer to each other. He had also paid attention to the Nordic political orientation in Finland. He did not question or criticize the child transports. His main interest was to increase German political influence in Finland, and the Nordic political orientation was an obstacle. Fagerholm was politically ill-favoured by the Germans, because he had a strong Nordic political disposition and had criticised Germany´s activities in Norway. The criticism of child transports was at the same time criticism of Fagerholm. The official censorship organ of the Finnish government (VTL) denied the criticism of child transports in January 1942. The reasons were political. Statements made by members of the Finnish Parliament were also censored, because it was thought that they would offend the Swedes. In addition, the censorship organ used child transports as a means of active propaganda aimed at improving the relations between the two countries. The Finnish Parliament was informed in 1948 that about 15 000 Finnish children still remained in Sweden. These children would stay there permanently. In 1950 the members of the Agrarian Party in Finland stated that Finland should actively strive to get the children back. The party on the left (SKDL, the Democratic Movement of Finnish People) also focused on the unexpected consequences of the child transports. The Social Democrats, and largely Fagerholm, had been the main force in Finland behind the child transports. Members of the SKDL, controlled by Finland´s Communist Party, stated that the war time authorities were responsible for this war loss. Many of the Finnish parents could not get their children back despite repeated requests. The discussion of the problem became political, for example von Born, a member of the Swedish minority party RKP, related this problem to foreign policy by stating that the request to repatriate the Finnish children would have negative political consequences for the relations between Finland and Sweden. He emphasized expressing feelings of gratitude to the Swedes. After the war a new foreign policy was established by Prime Minister (1944 1946) and later President (1946 1956) Juho Kusti Paasikivi. The main cornerstone of this policy was to establish good relations with the Soviet Union. The other, often forgotten, cornerstone was to simultaneously establish good relations with other Nordic countries, especially Sweden, as a counterbalance. The unexpected results of the child evacuation, a Swedish initiative, had violated the good relations with Sweden. The motives of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People were much the same as those of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People. Only the ideology was different. The Nordic political orientation was an obstacle to both parties. The position of the Democratic Movement of Finnish People was much better than that of the Patriotic Movement of Finnish People, because now one could clearly see the unexpected results, which included human tragedy for the many families who could not be re-united with their children despite their repeated requests. The Swedes questioned the figure given to the Finnish Parliament regarding the number of children permanently remaining in Sweden. This research agrees with the Swedes. In a calculation based on Swedish population registers, the number of these children is about 7 100. The reliability of this figure is increased by the fact that the child allowance programme began in Sweden in 1948. The prerequisite to have this allowance was that the child be in the Swedish population register. It was not necessary for the child to have Swedish nationality. The Finnish Parliament had false information about the number of Finnish children who remained in Sweden in 1942 and in 1950. There was no parliamentary control in Finland regarding child transports, because the decision was made by one cabinet member and speeches by MPs in the Finnish Parliament were censored, like all criticism regarding child transports to Sweden. In Great Britain parliamentary control worked better throughout the whole war, because the speeches regarding evacuation were not censored. At the beginning of the war certain members of the British Labour Party and the Welsh Nationalists were particularly outspoken about the scheme. Fagerholm does not discuss to any great extent the child transports in his memoirs. He does not evaluate the process and results as a whole. This research provides some possibilities for an evaluation of this sort. The Swedish medical reports give a clear picture of the physical condition of the Finnish children when arriving in Sweden. The transports actually revealed how bad the situation of the poorest children was. According to Titmuss, similar observations were made in Great Britain during the British evacuations. The child transports saved the lives of approximately 2 900 children. Most of these children were removed to Sweden to receive treatment for illnesses, but many among the healthy children were undernourished and some suffered from the effects of tuberculosis. The medical inspection in Finland was not thorough. If you compare the figure of 2 900 children saved and returned with the figure of about 7 100 children who remained permanently in Sweden, you may draw the conclusion that Finland as a country failed to benefit from the child transports, and that the whole operation was a political mistake with far-reaching consequenses. The basic goal of the operation was to save lives and have all the children return to Finland after the war. The difficulties with the repatriation of the children were mainly psychological. The level of child psychology in Finland at that time was low. One may question the report by Professor Martti Kaila regarding the adaptation of children to their families back in Finland. Anna Freud´s warnings concerning the difficulties that arise when child evacuees return are also valid in Finland. Freud viewed the emotional life of children in a way different from Kaila: the physical survival of a small child forces her to create strong emotional ties to the person who is looking after her. This, a characteristic of all small children, occurred with the Finnish children too, and it was something the political decision makers in Finland could not see during and after the war. It is a characteristic of all little children. Yet, such experiences were already evident during the Winter War. The best possible solution had been to limit the child transports only to children in need of medical treatment. Children from large and poor families had been helped by organising meals and by buying food from Denmark with Swedish money. Assisting Finland by all possible means should have been the basic goal of Fagerholm in September 1941, when the offer of child transports came from Sweden. Fagerholm felt gratitude towards the Swedes. The risks became clear to him only in 1943. The war children are today a rather scattered and diffuse group of people. Emotionally, part of these children remained in Sweden after the war. There is no clear collective memory, only individual memories; the collective memory of the war children has partly been shaped later through the activities of the war child associations. The main difference between the children evacuated in Finland (for example from Karelia to safer areas with their families) and the war children, who were sent abroad, is that the war children lack a shared story and experience with their families. They were outsiders . The whole matter is sensitive to many of such mothers and discussing the subject has often been avoided in families. The war-time censorship has continued in families through silence and avoidance and Finnish politicians and Finnish families had to face each other on this issue after the war. The lack of all-inclusive historical research has also prevented the formation of a collective awareness among war children returned to Finland or those remaining permanently abroad.. Knowledge of historical facts will help war-children by providing an opportunity to create an all-inclusive approach to the past. Personal experiences should be regarded as part of a large historical entity shadowed by war and where many political factors were at work in both Finland and Sweden. This means strengthening of the cognitive dimension discussed in Rüsen´s all-inclusive historical approach.

Slummiparakeista kyläkarnevaaleihin : Kumpulan ja Toukolan imagonmuutos sanomalehdissä 1963-1999

Having to do with residential areas, geographical image research in Finland has concentrated mainly on those areas with a relatively negative image, such as eastern parts of Helsinki. However, Kumpula and Toukola are former working class residential areas whose image nowadays is mainly positive. This research aims at understanding the process through which their image has gradually come to be that way. Theoretical background of the research relies on human geography and it s viewpoints on places, spaces and areas. Areas, in this research, are understood to be founded on discursive processes that form meanings in societies. This approach is useful because it provides a way to research newspapers and to see how they affect the society. In addition I lean on Sirpa Tani s research on place images to study image and it s formation process. Her point of view covers especially well the effect of media on images and their formation. Articles published in Helsingin Sanomat and Ilta-Sanomat between the years 1963 and 1999 form the data of the research. Methodologically I proceeded by using content analysis to see what kind of topics have been dominating the news feed from Kumpula and Toukola. Content analysis was followed by discourse analysis, which allowed me to focus on the ways of speaking about and representing Kumpula and Toukola. Discourse analysis also reveals whose viewpoint is being represented in media when it comes to publishing news from these parts of the city. It is clearly visible from the results of this research that the image of Kumpula and Toukola has gone through a significant change between 1963 and 1999. In the 1960s discussion in newspapers was dominated by the need for more effective city planning. This meant that Kumpula and Toukola were under a demolition threat in order for the city to built more effectively on those areas. At the same time there was discussion about wooden houses that were built in Kumpula and Toukola right after the second World War. Those houses were in a poor condition, it was even said in the newspapers that people were living in slum-like conditions in them. By the 1980s the image of Kumpula and Toukola gradually started to change. At this time gentrification process was affecting the areas and well-educated working force moved to Kumpula and Toukola. Already in the beginning of 1990s the image of the areas was highly positive. Throughout this decade newspapers published news on Kumpula and Toukola that commented favorably on the atmosphere and the feeling of togetherness among the residents. In addition Kumpula village carnivals, that were first held in 1991, brought a lot of positive publicity to the areas. This research has revelead that especially the active participationg of the residents to promote joint causes has positively affected the image of Kumpula and Toukola. Since the 1960s fighting for the preservation of the areas has provided a reason for a stronger feeling of communality and identifying in the community. This feeling of togetherness in a community has carried all the way to the 1990s, when the areas, having been affected by gentrification, could make good use of the positive image in order to promote joint causes. Keywords: Image, reputation, newspapers, discursive practices

Teille on syntynyt Vapahtaja : Joulun kirkollinen sanoma, jouluperinteet ja perheyhteisö Yleisradion TV-jumalanpalvelusten joulusaarnoissa 1985 - 2009

Yleisradion jouluaamuna lähettämä TV-jumalanpalvelus kerää vuosittain enemmän katsojia kuin kaikissa Suomen kirkoissa yhteensä käy ihmisiä samana aamuna. TV:n joulusaarnalla onkin merkitystä siihen, miten ihmiset mieltävät kirkon sanoman joulusta. Tämän tutkimuksen tarkoituksena oli tarkastella TV-jumalanpalveluksen joulusaarnan muutosta vuosien 1985 ja 2009 välisenä aikana sekä toteutuksen että sisällön näkökulmasta. Pääasiallisena tutkimuskohteena oli sisällön muutos (1) kirkollisen sanoman, (2) jouluperinteen ja -tunnelman sekä (3) perheyhteisön kuvausten suhteen. Teemat valittiin aiempien saarnatutkimusten sekä kolmen joulusaarnan alustavan analyysin perusteella. Tutkimusaineiston muodostivat kaikki Kirkon tiedotuskeskuksen arkistosta löytyneet joulusaarnat, joissa oli sekä kuva että ääni. Aineisto koostui 20 saarnasta, jotka litteroitiin ja analysoitiin. Lisäksi nauhoitettiin kaksi taustahaastattelua. Tutkimusmetodina käytettiin kvalitatiivista metodia, teoriaohjaavaa sisällönanalyysiä, jonka tulokset luokiteltiin ja kvantifioitiin. Sisällönanalyysin tuloksia havainnollistettiin taulukoiden ja graafisten kuvioiden avulla. Muutoksen havaitsemisen apuna käytettiin summamuuttujia neljän tarkastelujakson osalta, vuosilta 1985-1991, 1992-1996, 2000-2004 ja 2005-2009. Saarnojen toteutuksen suhteen todettiin, että joulusaarnat lyhentyivät hieman tutkimusjakson aikana. Saarnan kuvitus muuttui vuodesta 2003 lähtien niukemmaksi, jotta katsojat voisivat keskittyä paremmin saarnan sisältöön. Saarnaajien oheisviestintä oli vähäistä, ja useimmiten saarnaajilla oli vain yksi ilme ja erittäin vähän eleitä. Kertomusten käyttö lisääntyi saarnoissa selvästi, ja vuosina 2005-2009 sekä jouluevankeliumia että muita raamatunkohtia havainnollistettiin kertomusten avulla aiempaa enemmän. Yleisin saarnoissa lainattu raamatunkohta oli enkelien julistus ”Teille on syntynyt Vapahtaja” . Jeesukseen viittaavat nimitykset muuttuivat tutkimusjakson aikana mielenkiintoisella tavalla. Nimike Jeesus oli yleisin nimike vuodesta 1985 vuoteen 2004. Sen jälkeen yleisimmäksi nimikkeeksi nousi lapsi, ja joulusaarnoissa käytettiin runsaasti myös muita yleiskieleen kuuluvia nimikkeitä, jotka tiivistettiin muotoon avuton lapsi/vastasyntynyt. Perinteisiä kristillisiä nimikkeitä, kuten Herra, Kristus ja seimen lapsi, ei käytetty vuosina 2005-2009 lainkaan. Tämä herätti kysymyksen siitä, onko joulun sanoma maallistunut. Oletus ei saanut tukea kirkolliseen sanomaan liittyvien teemojen tarkastelusta. Vaikka syyllisyyden kuvaukset vähentyivät, rakkauden merkitys korostui tutkimusjakson loppua kohden, ja myös elämän tarkoitukseen liittyvät asiat mainittiin 2000-luvulla useammin kuin aiemmin. Erityisesti inkarnaation Jumalan ihmiseksi tulemisen kuvaukset lisääntyivät, joten joulun kirkollinen ydinsanoma oli entistä selkeämmin esillä. Jouluperinteen kuvausten suhteen ei havaittu muutosta vuosikymmenten aikana. Tunnelmaa kuvattiin tutkimusjakson alussa rauhan ja ihmeen käsittein, mutta lopussa valo korostui. Perheyhteisön kuvaukset olivat hyvin esillä, sillä lapset mainittiin joka toisessa ja perhe joka kolmannessa saarnassa. Lapset mainittiin vuosikymmenten kuluessa entistä useammin, ja myös yksinäisyyden kuvaukset lisääntyivät. Seurakunta mainittiin joulusaarnoissa hyvin harvoin, mikä sai pohtimaan seurakunnan roolia yhteisöllisyyden kannalta. Tutkimuksen johtopäätöksenä todettiin, että suomalaisen nyky-yhteiskunnan maallistumiskehitys ei näy TV:n joulusaarnoissa 1985-2009.

Muuttoliike ja vetovoimatekijät Helsingissä : - Kyselyaineiston analyysi

This thesis explores migration and the attractiveness of urban living in the Greater Helsinki region. The aim of the thesis is to explore the attractiveness of the city of Helsinki in terms of regional migration and to identify what characterizes migration to Helsinki. The study focuses in particular on housing, which is a key factor influencing migration decisions in the region. Other central themes in the study are housing policy and regional competition among municipalities. This study focuses solely on households moving within Finnish borders excluding international migration. Migration is examined by comparing in- and out-migration in Helsinki, as well as studying migration to the city s inner and outer areas. The primary research material in the study is a questionnaire data collected by the National Consumer Research Centre. In this thesis the data is used for studying migrants aged 25 45. The main research method is analyzing the data statistically using the SPSS software. Methods include frequency analysis, cross tabulation, factor analysis and descriptive analysis. Additionally, statistical data is used to complement the questionnaire data. The research results indicate that Helsinki s in- and out-migration differs both in terms of the type of households that migrate as well as in the reasons why they migrate. Furthermore, differences can also be detected between migration to the inner and outer parts of Helsinki. According to the research results, a household s current phase of life is crucial in determining where and why they move within the Greater Helsinki region. A household s set of values on the other hand, seems to have a lesser impact on migration within the region, even though households moving to Helsinki seem to value a somewhat more urban lifestyle than the ones moving out of the city. The research also shows a direct correlation between the values of migrants and their current phase of life. Decisions of migrating are heavily influenced by wider societal issues. In the Greater Helsinki region the labor and housing market appear to have a great influence on the direction of migration streams. According to the results, households move to and from Helsinki for different reasons. The primary reasons for moving to Helsinki are related to the city s diverse labor market and to the working careers of households. Issues related to urban living and an urban lifestyle seem to be relevant although not the main reason why people move to Helsinki. The research material indicates that Helsinki s urban environment is both a pull and a push factor affecting the decisions of migrants. The city attracts those seeking urban living, but on the contrary does not appeal to households seeking more space and wishing to live closer to nature. According to the research, Helsinki with its densely built urban environment mainly attracts singles and childless couples, whereas the city region s other municipalities are more attractive for families with children. Housing policy is one of the main reasons determining where people move within the Helsinki region. As for the city of Helsinki, improving the city s attractiveness seems to be closely linked to how well the city manages to execute its future housing policies and how well alternative living preferences can be taken into account in planning.

Sireenit, floksit ja iirikset- Puu-Käpylän koristekasvit

Puu-Käpylä (“Wooden Käpylä”), a neighbourhood of Helsinki, is the earliest example of the Garden City Movement in Finland. The suburb of valuable wooden architecture was built between 1920 and 1925, with the aim to provide a healthy housing area for working-class families with many children. The houses were erected by a co-operative (Käpylän kansanasunnot, “People?s Dwellings”) and they are protected by the city plan since 1960?s. However, the historical value of the sheltered courtyards has not been investigated. The aim of this study was to survey the garden flora of Puu-Käpylä and to evaluate the authenticity of the courtyard gardens. The survey covered the area of one residential quarter (1.2 ha) with twelve 2-storey semi-detached timber houses arranged around a common yard, which was originally appointed for the tenants? vegetable gardens. The houses are still rented, and each flat is allowed a small lot of the courtyard for cultivation. A complete list was made of all perennial, ornamental plant taxa present in the quarter. Spring bulbs were missed due to the timing of the survey. Generally, the plants were recorded on species level, with the exception of common lilacs, shrub roses, irises and peonies that were thoroughly studied for cultivar identification. It was assumed that plants initially grown in the courtyard could be distinguished by studying Finnish garden magazines, books and nursery catalogues published in the 1920?s and by comparing the present vegetation to surviving documents from the quarter. The total number of ornamental plant taxa identified was 172, of which 17 were trees, 47 shrubs, 7 climbers and 101 herbaceous perennials. The results indicated that a major part of the shrubs, climbers and perennials presumably originated from the 1970?s or later, whereas ca. 70 % of the tree specimens were deemed as original. The survey disclosed a heritage variety of common lilac, resembling cultivar „Prince Notger?, a specific peony taxon, Paeonia humilis Retz., cultivated in Nordic countries since long ago, and a few historic iris varieties. Well-preserved design elements included front gardens on one side of the quarter, a maple alley on another side as well as trees at the garden gates. Old garden books and magazines did not shed much light on the Finnish garden flora commonly used in the period when Puu-Käpylä was built. However, they gave a valuable picture of contemporary planting design. Nursery catalogues offered insight into the assortment of ornamental plants traded in the 1920?s. Conclusions on the authenticity of the current flora were mainly drawn on the basis of old photographs and a vegetation survey map drawn in the 1970?s. This study revealed a need for standardization of syrvey methods applied when investigating garden floras. Uniform survey techniques would make the results comparable and enable a future compilation of data from e.g. historic gardens.

Esseitä menneisyyden ketjureaktioista ja historiantutkimuksen aaltoliikkeestä

Book review of Henrik Meinander’s Kekkografia. Historiaesseitä (2010)

Infliximabi-infuusioiden akuuttien haittavaikutusten esto asetyylisalisyylihapolla lapsipotilaiden IBD- ja reumasairauksien hoidossa

IBD- ja reumasairaudet ovat elämänlaatua merkittävästi heikentäviä, kroonisia tulehduksellisia sairauksia, joiden keskivaikeiden ja vakavien muotojen hoidossa suoneen annettava biologinen TNF-alfa -tulehdustekijän vasta-aine infliksimabi (Remicade®) on vankassa asemassa. Infliksimabin hyvän tehon kääntöpuolena esiintyy yleisesti haittoja, joista infuusion aikana tai pian sen jälkeen ilmenevät allergistyyppiset reaktiot ovat hoitoa hankaloittava ja jopa vaarallinen alaluokka. Infuusioreaktioiden estoon ei nykyisellään ole todistettavasti tehokkaita keinoja. Parasetamoli ja setiritsiini osoittautuivat tässä käyttötarkoituksessa tehottomiksi. HUS:n Lasten ja nuorten sairaalassa aloitettiin 11.3.2009 hoitokokeilu asetosalisyylihapolla (ASA, Disperin®), annosteltuna painonmukaisesti per os, päämääränä selvittää prospektiivisesti ASA:n käyttömahdollisuudet infuusioreaktioiden ehkäisyssä. Tämän tutkielman aineisto kerättiin esilääkekokeilun alun ja 24.6.2010 välisellä ajalla (yhteensä 67 viikkoa) infliksimabi-infuusiossa Lasten ja nuorten sairaalan osasto 2:lla käyneiden IBD- ja reumapotilaiden asiakirjoista. Vain 1 (0,2 %) ASA:n kanssa annetuista infuusioista johti infuusioreaktioon kun aiemmin parasetamolin ja setiritsiinin kanssa todettiin 11 (2,9 %) reaktiota. GraphPad Prism 5 -ohjelmistolla tehdyn tilastoanalyysin perusteella tulokset osoittavat ASA:n olevan erittäin lupaava infuusioreaktioiden estolääke.

Liikunnan muutokset ja painon kehitys nuorilla

Tutkimuksissa selvitettiin liikuntatapojen ja niiden muutosten vaikutusta painon kehittymiseen ja kehon koostumukseen nuorilla. Liikunnan ja lihavuuden väliseen kausaalisuussuhteeseen kiinnitettiin huomiota. Tutkimuksen aineistona käytettiin Kaksosten Kehitys ja Terveys tutkimuksen kaksoskohorttiaineistoa. Läpi nuoruutensa aktiivisesti liikkuneita, liikunnan lopettaneita ja täysin liikuntaa harrastamattomia nuoria vertailtiin painoindeksin suhteen 12-, 14-, 17,5- ja 22-vuotiaana ja vyötärönympäryksen suhteen 22-vuotiaana. Nuoruuden liikuntatottumukset eivät ennustaneet merkitsevästi painoindeksiä 22-vuotiaana. Sen sijaan liikunnan lopettaneilla ja täysin liikuntaa harrastamattomilla nuorilla vyötärönympärys 22-vuotiaana oli suurempi, kuin aktiiviliikkujilla, eli liikuntatottumukset vaikuttivat kehon koostumukseen. Pojilla muutos painossa tapahtui ennen muutosta liikunnassa – lihominen näytti johtavan liikkumattomuuteen.