932 resultados para City Study
Resumo:
The city of Malaga underwent considerable growth in the 19th and 20th centuries. The territorial expansion paired with a massive influx of immigrants occurred in three waves and as a consequence the city of Malaga remains divided into three different parts up to today. The differences between these three neighbourhoods of the city lie in the type of houses, different cultural and industrial activities, socioeconomic level, and very interestingly, also in speech. Thus, the aim of this study is an examination of the interrelation between speech (phonetic features) and urban space in Malaga. A combination of quantitative and qualitative analysis was used, based on two types of data: 1) production data stemming from recordings of 120 speakers; 2) perception data (salience, estimated frequency of use, attitude, spatial and social perception, imitation) which was collected from several surveys with 120 participants each. Results show that the speech production data divides the city of Malaga clearly into three different parts. This tripartition is confirmed by the analysis of the perception data. Moreover, the habitants of these three areas are perceived as different social types, to whom a range of social features is attributed. That is, certain linguistic features, the different neighbourhoods of the city and the social characteristics associated with them are undergoing a process of indexicalization and iconization. As a result, the linguistic features in question function as identity markers on the intraurban level.
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Identity is a recurrent research interest in current sociolinguistics and it is also of primary interest in digital discourse studies. Identity construction is closely related to stance and style (Eckert 2008; Jaffe 2009), which are fundamental concepts for understanding the language use and its social meanings in the case of social media users from Malaga. As the specific social meanings of a set of dialect features constitute a style, this style and the social (and technological) context in which the variants are used determine the meanings that are actually associated with each variant. Hence, every variant has its own indexical field covering any number of potential meanings. The Spanish spoken in Malaga, as Andalusian Spanish in general, was in the past often times considered an incorrect, low prestige variety of Spanish which was strongly associated with the poor, rural, backward South of Spain. This southern Spanish variety is easily recognised because of its innovative phonetic features that diverge from the national standard. In this study several of these phonetic dialect features are looked at, which users from Malaga purposefully employ (in a textualised form) on social media for identity construction. This identity construction is analysed through interactional and ethnographic methods: A perception and an imitation task served as key data and were supplemented by answers to a series of open questions. Further data stems from visual, multimodal elements (e.g. images, photos, videos) posted by users from the city of Malaga. The program TAMS Analyzer was used for data codification and analysis. Results show that certain features that in spoken language are considered rural and old-fashioned, acquire new meaning on social media, namely of urbanity and fashion. Moreover, these features, if used online, are associated with hipsters. That is, the “cool” social media index the “coolness” of the dialect features in question and, thus, the mediatisation makes their indexical fields even more multi-layered and dynamic. Social media users from Malaga performatively employ these stylised dialect features to project a hipster identity and certain related stances.
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This paper based on a primary survey of households (2004-05) in the slum clusters of Delhi examines whether migrants are likely to experience upward mobility in their place of destination or alternatively, if they merely transfer their poverty from rural areas to large cities. First, a simple bifurcation of population in terms of poor and non-poor sub-groups is examined along with the incidence of poverty across different categories of occupations and non-workers. Then, an explanation of the variations in per capita expenditure across households is provided, and a binomial logit model (poor/non-poor) is developed identifying the variables which raise (or reduce) the probability of being non-poor (or poor). Next, an estimate of the wellbeing (deprivation) index is derived from factor analysis of a large number of variables including demographic and economic aspects of households. Empirical findings suggest that while duration of migration and the wellbeing index do not have a definite relationship, migrant households who have been in the city for a very long time have a higher wellbeing index on average than those who migrated in the last ten years. This tends to support the view that migrants do not merely transfer rural poverty to urban areas, and further that population mobility yields improvement in the living standard, if only in the very long term. Implementation of "employment-cum-shelter" support schemes in the urban areas may contribute to their wellbeing.
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The City of Madrid is putting into operation Intermodal Exchange Stations (IESs) to make connections between urban and suburban transportation modes easier for users of public transportation. The purpose of this article is to evaluate the actual effects that the implementation of IESs in the City of Madrid has on the affected stakeholders: users, public transportation operators, infrastructure managers, the government, the abutters and other citizens. We develop a methodology intended to help assess the welfare gains and losses for each stakeholder. Then we apply this methodology to the case study of the Avenida de América IES in the city of Madrid. We found that it is indeed possible to arrive at win–win solutions for the funding of urban transportation infrastructure, as long as the cost-benefit ratio of the project is high enough. Commuters save travel time. Bus companies diminish their costs of operation. The abutters gain in quality of life. The private operator of the infrastructure makes a fair profit. And the government is able to promote these infrastructure facilities without spending more of its scarce budgetary resources.
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To develop effective cycling policies, decision makers and administrators should know the factors influencing the use of the bicycle for daily mobility. Traditional discrete choice models tend to be based on variables such as time and cost, which do not sufficiently explain the choice of the bicycle as a mode of transportation. Because psychological factors have been identified as particularly influential in the decision to commute by bicycle, this paper examines the perceptions of cycling factors and their influence on commuting by bicycle. Perceptions are measured by attitudes, other psychological variables, and habits. Statistical differences in the variables are established in relation to the choice of commuting mode and bicycle experience (commuter, sport–leisure, no use). Doing so enables the authors to identify the main barriers to commuting by bicycle and to make recommendations for cycling policies. Two underlying structures (factors) of the attitudinal variables are identified: direct benefits and long-term benefits. Three other factors are related to variables of difficulty: physical conditions, external facilities, and individual capacities. The effect of attitudes and other psychological variables on people’s decision to cycle to work–place of study is tested by using a logit model. In the case study of Madrid, Spain, the decision to cycle to work– place of study is heavily influenced by cycling habits (for noncommuting trips). Because bicycle commuting is not common, attitudes and other psychological variables play a less important role in the use of bikes.
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MP2RAGE has proven to be a bias-free MR acquisition with excellent contrast between grey and white matter. We investigated the ability of three state-of-the-art algorithms to automatically extract white matter (WM), grey matter (GM) and cerebrospinal fluid (CSF) from MPRAGE and MP2RAGE images: unified Segmentation (S) in SPM82 , its extension New Segment (NS), and an in-house Expectation-Maximization Markov Random Field tissue classification3 (EM-MRF) with Graph Cut (GC) optimization4 . Our goal is to quantify the differences between MPRAGE and MP2RAGE-based brain tissue probability maps.
Resumo:
El tema de estudio de esta tesis son las propuestas urbanas que Andrea Branzi ha desarrollado durante los últimos cincuenta años, centrándose especialmente en aquellas más elaboradas y completas: la No-Stop City (1970-71), que elabora como miembro del grupo radical Archizoom, y dos de sus modelos de urbanización débil, Agronica (1995) y el Master Plan para el Strijp Philips de Eindhoven (2000). Se trata de una parte de su obra que ha mantenido constante, a lo largo del tiempo, una propuesta de disolución de la arquitectura de notable consistencia que puede describirse con la fórmula “città senza architettura”, acuñada por él mismo. Una voluntad que ya se apunta en la muy variada producción de Archizoom previa a la No-Stop City, y que cristaliza y se hace explícita en este proyecto que aspiraba a: “liberar al hombre de la arquitectura”. A pesar de la continuidad de esta idea en el tiempo, la ciudad sin arquitectura de Branzi ha evolucionado claramente dando lugar a distintos tipos de disolución. Una disolución que, obviamente, no supone la efectiva desaparición de la disciplina, sino la formulación de una arquitectura “otra” basada en un replanteamiento radical de la naturaleza y el papel de la misma. Esta agenda contra la disciplina se ha desplegado a través de una serie de temas que socavan el objeto arquitectónico canónico (su vaciamiento expresivo, la pérdida de importancia de la envolvente y la forma acabada, el carácter anticompositivo, la independencia entre forma y función, la mutabilidad en el tiempo…), pero va más allá al poner en crisis el rol que la propia arquitectura ha tenido en la configuración material, política y simbólica del hábitat humano. Una pérdida de protagonismo y centralidad en la sociedad contemporánea que, en el discurso del arquitecto, implica necesariamente un papel subordinado. De este proceso de disolución surge un nuevo tipo de ciudad en la que la forma urbana o se ha perdido o se ha convertido en superflua, en la que se ha disuelto la zonificación funcional, cuyos espacios interiores se hallan en un proceso de permanente reprogramación que ignora las tipologías, que trasciende la división entre lo urbano y lo agrícola y que es, ante todo, un espacio de flujos y servicios. La crisis de la ciudad tradicional implica, en definitiva, un cambio en la naturaleza misma de lo urbano que pasa de considerarse un lugar físico y construido, a convertirse en una condición inmaterial y virtualmente omnipresente que se despliega independientemente de su soporte físico. En las investigaciones urbanas de Branzi convergen, además, muchas de las reflexiones que el arquitecto ha desarrollado sobre, y desde, las distintas “escalas” de la actividad profesional: diseño, arquitectura y urbanismo. Estas propuestas no sólo cuestionan las relaciones establecidas entre objetos, edificios, ciudades y territorios sino que ponen en cuestión estas mismas categorías. Unas ciudades sin arquitectura que se basan, en última instancia, en plantear preguntas que son muy sencillas y, por otra parte, eternas: ¿Qué es un edificio? ¿Qué es una ciudad? ABSTRACT The subject of study of this thesis are the urban proposals developed by Andrea Branzi over the last fifty years, with a special focus on the more developed and comprehensive ones: the No- Stop City (1970-1971), produced as a member of the architettura radicale group Archizoom, and two of his “weak urbanization models”: Agronica (1995) and the Master Plan for Philips Strijp in Eindhoven (2000). This area of his work has kept, over time, a remarkably consistent proposal for the dissolution of architecture that can be described with the motto città senza architettura (city without architecture), coined by himself. A determination, already latent in the very diverse production of Archizoom prior to No-Stop City, that crystallizes and becomes explicit in this project which was aimed to "liberate man from the architecture." Despite the continuity of this idea over time, Branzi’s city without architecture has clearly evolved leading to different types of dissolution. A dissolution that, obviously, does not mean the effective demise of the discipline, but rather, the formulation of an architecture autre based on a radical rethinking of its nature and role. This agenda against the discipline has been developed through a number of issues that undermine the canonical architectural object (its expressive emptying, the loss of importance of the envelope and the finished shape, the anticompositional character, the independence between form and function, the mutability over time...), but goes beyond it by putting into crisis the role that architecture itself has had in the material, political and symbolic configuration of the human habitat. A loss of prominence and centrality in contemporary society that, in the architect’s discourse, implies a subordinate role. From this dissolution process, a new type of city arises: a city where urban form has been lost or has become superfluous, in which functional zoning has dissolved, whose interiors are in a permanent process of reprogramming that ignores typologies, that transcends the division between urban and agricultural and becomes, above all, a space of flows and services. Ultimately, the crisis of the traditional city implies a change in the very nature of the urban that moves from being regarded as a physical and built place, to become an immaterial and virtually omnipresent condition that unfolds regardless of its physical medium. Many of the ideas Branzi has developed on, and from, the different "scales" of professional activity (design, architecture and urbanism) converge in his urban research. These proposals not only question the relations between objects, buildings, cities and territories but also these very categories. Cities without architecture that are based, ultimately, on raising simple questions that are, on the other hand, eternal: What is a building? What is a city?
Resumo:
Extensive spatial and temporal surveys, over 15 years, have been conducted in soil in urban parks and street dusts in one of the most polluted cities in western Europe, Avilés (NW Spain). The first survey was carried out in 1996, and since then monitoring has been undertaken every five years. Whilst the sampling site is a relatively small town, industrial activities (mainly the steel industry and Zn and Al metallurgy) and other less significant urban sources, such as traffic, strongly affect the load of heavy metals in the urban aerosol. Elemental tracers have been used to characterise the influence of these sources on the composition of soil and dust. Although PM10 has decreased over these years as a result of environmental measures undertaken in the city, some of the “industrial” elements still remain in concentrations of concern for example, up to 4.6% and 0.5% of Zn in dust and soil, respectively. Spatial trends in metals such as Zn and Cd clearly reflect sources from the processing industries. The concentrations of these elements across Europe have reduced over time, however the most recent results from Avilés revealed an upward trend in concentration for Zn, Cd, Hg and As. A risk assessment of the soil highlighted As as an element of concern since its cancer risk in adults was more than double the value above which regulatory agencies deem it to be unacceptable. If children were considered to be the receptors, then the risk nearly doubles from this element.
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The opening of new windows on the façade is proposed as a refurbishment strategy in an existing building in Málaga to facilitate cross ventilation of dwellings. The building is a residential block of 140 public housing units for rent for people with low income in Málaga (Spain), property of the City Council. By modeling with Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD), eleven configurations of openings are studied in two different areas of the main housing type of the building. The quantity of introduced/extracted air into/from the room and the generated airflow patterns are obtained. The modeling allows comparing the different openings configurations to determine the most appropriate ventilation option for every room.
Resumo:
As environmental standards become more stringent (e.g. European Directive 2008/50/EC), more reliable and sophisticated modeling tools are needed to simulate measures and plans that may effectively tackle air quality exceedances, common in large cities across Europe, particularly for NO2. Modeling air quality in urban areas is rather complex since observed concentration values are a consequence of the interaction of multiple sources and processes that involve a wide range of spatial and temporal scales. Besides a consistent and robust multi-scale modeling system, comprehensive and flexible emission inventories are needed. This paper discusses the application of the WRF-SMOKE-CMAQ system to the Madrid city (Spain) to assess the contribution of the main emitting sectors in the region. A detailed emission inventory was compiled for this purpose. This inventory relies on bottom-up methods for the most important sources. It is coupled with the regional traffic model and it makes use of an extensive database of industrial, commercial and residential combustion plants. Less relevant sources are downscaled from national or regional inventories. This paper reports the methodology and main results of the source apportionment study performed to understand the origin of pollution (main sectors and geographical areas) and define clear targets for the abatement strategy. Finally the structure of the air quality monitoring is analyzed and discussed to identify options to improve the monitoring strategy not only in the Madrid city but the whole metropolitan area.
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In 2015, it will be thirty years since Spanish Historic Heritage Law from 1985 was approved. The results after three decades under this law are necessarily positive and witness how the complex autonomous regional legislation has been promoted, guided and organized in this Heritage field. In addition, the law enforcement has brought into the scene how the numerous public and private initiatives involved in caring, managing, protecting and restoring our cultural heritage have been channeled and regulated, as well as monitoring the impact these initiatives produce on urban archaeology. During this long period of Spanish recent history, cultural heritage -understood as an important development tool, especially when related to cultural tourism- has succeeded in channeling resources for developing the historical research projects, both documental and archaeological, that the Spanish monumental urban ensembles were requiring. In this context, the case of the city of Madrid is a clear example of the significant development that urban Historical Archaeology has experienced in Spain over the last thirty years, especially when dealing with the study of the Middle Ages (8th to 15th centuries) and the Modern Age (16th to 18th centuries). Given the number of interventions and the important results obtained by many of them, Madrid urban archaeology is an extraordinary example of the consequences of implementing new management models, changing criteria and operating procedures, and also, of course, of the conflicts and debates raised regarding heritage, as well as the importance these interventions have implied, which is the main aim of this work.
Resumo:
The preservation of tangible cultural heritage does not guarantee effective revitalisation of urban historic areas as a whole. The legacy of our history consists not only of paintings, sculptures, architectural monuments and public spaces, but also the safeguarding of immaterial aspects of social life, such as oral traditions, rituals, practices, knowledge and craft skills. From 1999 to 2013, 26 Brazilian cities benefited from the Monumenta Programme - a national cultural policy that involved institutions, the private sector and the local community. The purpose of the programme was to stimulate economic growth and increase cultural and social development of the historic centres. Moreover, it sought to increase the number of residents in the benefited areas as defined in its agenda (IDB, 1999; MinC & Programa Monumenta, 2006). Using the Historic Centre of Porto Alegre as a case study, this paper examines how this cultural programme enables demographic change through the promotion of intangible cultural heritage, e.g. by supporting educational projects. The demographic flow was analysed using the microdata of the Populations Censuses (years 2000 and 2010) available from the Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics. The results showed an increase in low-income residents the areas that participated in the programme. This increase may have been motivated by a set of cultural-educational projects under the auspices of the Monumenta Programme. The retraining of artisans of Alfândega Square, the training of low-income youth for restoration work and the implementation of the "Black Route Museum in Porto Alegre" (Bicca, 2010) are just some examples of what was done to improve the local community's economy, to encourage social cohesion and to enhance the awareness of cultural diversity as a positive and essential value in society.
Resumo:
La presente tesis tiene por finalidad contribuir al conocimiento de los procesos de transformación de las ciudades convencionales en Ciudades Inteligentes o Smart Cities, el nuevo paradigma urbano, que surge como consecuencia de la utilización de las Tecnologías de la Información y de las Comunicaciones, las TIC, para mejorar la calidad de vida de las personas y aumentar la eficiencia y eficacia de los procesos, servicios e infraestructuras de la ciudad. El proceso de urbanización de la población mundial constituye una de las principales tendencias globales. Los retos a los que se enfrentan las urbes actuales para satisfacer las necesidades de sus habitantes, así como la forma en que cada ciudad aborda dichos retos, propician el desarrollo de estudios comparativos y rankings de ciudades. La oportunidad para llevar a cabo esta tesis deriva de: La novedad del concepto de Ciudad Inteligente. La necesidad de establecer estudios comparativos, respecto a dicho concepto, entre ciudades con características socioeconómicas y culturales comunes, dado que la mayoría de los estudios y rankings se desarrollan para conjuntos de ciudades cuyas características son muy dispares, pues, en general son seleccionadas por su condición de capitales de estados o de centros económicos-financieros. El interés de disponer de estudios sobre ciudades con tamaños de población medianos, inferiores al millón de habitantes, las cuales tienen baja presencia en los estudios comparativos. La inexistencia de estudios comparativos entre las ciudades españolas, en relación con el concepto de Ciudad Inteligente. La existencia de la Red Española de Ciudades Inteligentes, que permite disponer de una muestra de ciudades adecuada, para llevar a cabo un estudio comparativo de acuerdo con los puntos anteriores. El objetivo general de la presente tesis es contribuir al conocimiento de los procesos de transformación de la ciudad convencional en Ciudad Inteligente, a través de la formulación y aplicación de un modelo de evaluación, basado en el concepto holístico de Ciudad Inteligente o Smart City y desde la perspectiva del ciudadano. La metodología de trabajo seguida comprende, en primer lugar, la revisión del estado del arte, centrada en tres aspectos: la evolución del concepto Smart City, los estudios comparativos sobre Ciudades Inteligentes y las medidas que las ciudades españolas están implantando en la práctica para llevar a cabo su transformación en Ciudades Inteligentes. A continuación se lleva a cabo el diseño el modelo de evaluación. Este modelo refleja el carácter holístico del concepto de Ciudad Inteligente, para lo cual, de acuerdo con las definiciones que encontramos en la literatura, evalúa la situación de cada ciudad en relación con seis ejes o pilares, comúnmente aceptados por los diferentes autores: e-Gobierno y e-Gobernanza, Movilidad, Sostenibilidad Ambiental, Desarrollo Económico, Capital Intelectual y Calidad de Vida. El trabajo desarrollado implica un análisis, que se desarrolla de forma ordenada para cada uno de los ejes y, dentro de éstos, para sus correspondientes factores. En total se analizan 18 factores. Para cada uno de los ejes se lleva a cabo una revisión de las iniciativas más representativas para, a continuación, analizar y evaluar los correspondientes los factores. De forma complementaria al desarrollo del trabajo, se llevó a cabo una encuesta, dirigida a profesionales de diferentes áreas y sectores, todos ellos en el ámbito de las Ciudades Inteligentes. El objetivo de la encuesta es conocer, de acuerdo con la opinión de los profesionales, la situación actual en materia de despliegue de Ciudades Inteligentes, las actuaciones que consideran de mayor interés para la ciudad y las barreras del proceso de cambio. Una vez definido el modelo, se ha aplicado a las 62 ciudades que forman la Red Española de Ciudades Inteligentes (RECI), valorando los factores y los ejes para cada una de ellas. Así mismo, se ha analizado la influencia de las tres variables siguientes: tamaño de población, densidad de población y presupuesto municipal por habitante, determinando la relación entre el porcentaje de ciudades inteligentes de la muestra, en cada factor. Adicionalmente en el eje Capital Intelectual,se analizó la influencia del porcentaje de habitantes con estudios superiores. Las 62 ciudades RECI que componen la muestra evaluada, representan el 43 % de las ciudades españolas que cuentan con poblaciones superiores a los 50.000 habitantes. La población que abarca la muestra de ciudades estudiada representa el 35% de la población española. Finalmente, se ha determinado el ranking con las ciudades de RECI, de acuerdo con el modelo diseñado. Así mismo se ha llevado a cabo el análisis de sensibilidad, determinado el ranking resultante para la misma muestra de ciudades, aplicando la ponderación de los factores. Las principales aportaciones de la tesis son: Desarrollar un modelo de evaluación de ciudades basada en el concepto holístico de la Smart City y desde la perspectiva del ciudadano. Desarrollar una metodología de trabajo fundamentada en el análisis sistematizado de las web municipales, como medio para conocer la situación de las ciudades, en lugar de los datos estadísticos publicados, que son la fuente de información habitualmente empleada en los estudios comparativos. Disponer de un estudio comparativo específico de ciudades españolas. Llevar a cabo un estudio sobre una muestra de ciudades de tamaño medio, con características socioeconómicas y culturales comparables. Mejorar el conocimiento de los procesos que se están llevando a cabo en ciudades con poblaciones inferiores al millón de habitantes. The purpose of this thesis is to contribute to the knowledge of the cities and the transformation that is taking part in traditional cities becoming Smart Cities. The Smart City concept is the new urban paradigm that is born from the extensive use of Information Technologies (IT) in order to accomplish better citizen’s quality of life as well as improvements in urban processes, services and infrastructures. Several rankings and benchmarking studies are being conducted globally, in response to the increasing of urban population that is taking part around the world and the subsequent challenges to be confronted by the cities. This thesis aims to contribute to these studies. The opportunity for this thesis comes from: The Smart City concept as a new concept. The need of benchmarking studies focused on the Smart City concept, carried on cities with similar social and economic characteristics. The interest on benchmarking studies on medium size cities (with less than one million inhabitants). The absence of benchmarking studies on Spanish cities. The existence of the Spanish Smart Cities Network that can be considered an appropriate sample for a benchmark study. The main goal of this thesis is to develop a Smart Cities assessment model based on the citizen point of view and taking into account a holistic concept of Smart City. The thesis methodology starts with the state of the art revision, focused on three items: the Smart City concept, the benchmark studies and the projects actually developed by the Spanish cities under processes for becoming Smart Cities. The next step is the assessment model design, in accordance with the six main axes or pillars referred in the academic literature: e-Government and e-Governance, Mobility, Environmental Sustainability, Economic Development, Smart Citizens and Quality of Life. Also, a survey has been conducted and addressed to experts working on the different areas related to the Smart Cities. The aim of this survey is to know their opinion about the deployment of the Smart Cities, the priorities considered by the cities and the barriers that delay the change processes. Once the assessment model was ready, it was applied to the Spanish Smart Cities Network, with 62 member cities. Also, the bearing of three variables: city population, population density and city budget per inhabitant, are studied. The 62 cities studied are 43 % of the Spanish cities with population over 50.000 inhabitants. The population living in these cities is the 35% of total Spanish population. The main contribution of this thesis are: An assessment model for Smart Cities that takes into account the holistic concept of the Smart City as well as the citizen experience. A methodology that comprises municipal web analysis instead of statistics data, which are the usual source of data for current benchmarking studies. A Spanish Smart Cities benchmark. A benchmark on medium size cities with similar social and economic characteristics. A better understanding of the urban processes that are taking part on cities under one million inhabitants.
Resumo:
This research studies urban soundscapes through the comparative analysis of twelve public open spaces in the city of Córdoba (Argentina), taken as case studies. The work aims to examine selection of indicators and assessment tools intended to characterize soundscape quality. The field study was carried out through surveys and acoustic and psychoacoustic indicators, that are used together to objectively describe the sound quality of urban spaces. The study shows that, while there is a relationship of these indicators with the sound quality of the spaces, this is not linear. Their relative importance or influence depends on the interrelations occurring between the parameters studied. A model analyzing and correlating the parameters with the sound quality, based on the postulates of fuzzy logic, was applied as a tool of analysis, and it was seen to achieve a very close approximation to the subjective or perceptual response of the inhabitants. This close match between the model results and the perceptual response of the users confirms the fuzzy model as an effective tool for the study, not only of soundscapes, but also for those situations in which objective parameters must be related to the perceptual response of users.
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Madrid has been the center of Spanish musical scene and industry since the 80s, when “la movida” becomes the metaphor for the new colorful, young and cosmopolitan country established with the arrival of democracy. The city, in this way, is basically a place. But this sense of place started to crash with the arrival of digital music. In the new paradigm, intermediaries were supposed to disappear and music was something contained in networks and computers. The question now is how to integrate digital music, a nonphysical, individual experience, with the way in which the city of Madrid is lived through in musical terms. With the advent of digital music, concerts became the primary source of income for musicians. The centrality of the gig can be understood as the confirmation that we are living in an economy of experience. This centrality also reorganized the way in which music is produced and consumed: now, records are produced in order to create the opportunity of a musical event (band promote their tour as presentation of their latest recordings) that can be promoted in social networks and media; concerts are the places where musicians construct their fans’ communities and are the places were records are sold, not a way to know the band but to demonstrate both the support for the band and the status of the listeners. To study the place of music in the process of metropolization in Madrid we need to understand music as a field of tension