933 resultados para Affect, resistance, anarchism, autonomy-oriented social movements, anti-capitalism, politics
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The belief in the existence of an ecological crisis that would affect the future of the planet, is one of the factors that causes the appearance of ecological concern, resulting in the adoption of non-predatory consumer practices and more respectful relationships with non-humans beings. This study starts from the assumption of the existence of an environmental question, and aims to investigate some of the cultural causes of human predation and identify possible ways in which environmental question can be treated critically to search overcomes. Follows the reasoning that western society as a complex of social relations, the capitalism, as a mode of production utilities and rational right, are all consequences of the modern rationality, cognitive and moral logic that transforms people and nature in satisfaction instruments of individual interests. However, despite being identified as the causative root of environmental question, modern rationality takes with it enough to promote the development of ecological respect, necessary in confronting and overcoming the environmental question, as it will be applied as a principle in redefinition of the relationship of human beings with themselves and with nature. And modern rationality can also make capitalism more efficient in the use and reuse of materials so as to consume fewer resources on the planet to satisfy human needs.
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This article discusses the recent historical contingencies that placed the universitary left on the defensive and, simultaneously, the attempts of approach of some researchers-extensionists with social movements. To put in historical perspective the discussion of the relation between universities and social movements in historical perspective, we rescued the Córdoba reform (argentine university reform of 1918), the teachings of Latin American classic authors, and we produced an overview about the Reform and the long cycle of educational counter-reform in Latin America. Regarding the relation between universities and social movements, we focus on the analysis of experiences in the fields of popular habitation, agroecology and recovered factories, once we believe that these experiences bring advances in self-management, decommodification, intellectual-social movements, etc. However, these are by no means free of contradictions.
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The present article aims to discuss the theme of dialectical difference according to the concepts of critical theory. At first, the issue of the difference will be thinking about their negative reception that the production of stereotypes and prejudices on ethnicity, race and gender. In a second step, the subject will be treated on its positive reception, very common among social movements and leftist academic. In a third step, both types receive the difference will be problematized from the thought of Theodor Adorno in his Negative Dialectics as possible from mediation between universality and particularity empirical conceptual.
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As relações públicas podem construir uma informação e uma formulação da realidade, a partir da mídia, sem ser influenciado pelos grandes meios de comunicação de massa? Qual a relevância dessa maneira de se informar na conjuntura atual para o profissional de relações-públicas e como ele pode atuar em prol das causas sociais? O presente texto busca estabelecer parâmetros de atuação para os profissionais de relações públicas preocupados com as transformações sociais no mundo contemporâneo. Para chegar a tal objetivo estruturamos nossa análise a partir temáticas capazes de dar uma resposta à inquietação inicial. Realizamos a reconstituição da trajetória recente dos movimentos sociais no Brasil, procuramos esclarecer o conceito polissêmico de cidadania e direitos humanos, relacionando-os com a comunicação, assim como rever a trajetória das relações públicas na contemporaneidade levantando algumas hipóteses que contemplem novas perspectivas para a profissão. Dessa maneira, pretende-se mostrar a existência de um campo de atuação dialógica para os profissionais de comunicação abalizados pelo engajamento da transformação social
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The objective of this paper is to discuss the construction of the image of São Paulo state public schools teachers in the public sphere, by the media and the trade union press, and see how that image is formed in both of them, without making any comparisons, from the covering of 2010 strikes by newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and Jornal da Apeoesp. This paper uses as theoretical basis the study of Media Hegemony, the concept of Radical Media and Public Sphere, as well as the relationship between them and social movements. It also considers the observation of the history and characteristics of trade union press and the Standards of Manipulation by the Press, proposed by Perseu Abramo. The chosen method was the identification, selection and organization of stories about education published by Folha de S. Paulo during the period; the application of Abramo’s proposed manipulation standards on the stories about the strike; research, selection and observation of print publications (Jornal da Apeoesp and newsletters Apeoesp Urgente) about the strike, published by Apeoesp during the same period
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This study aims to identify the horizon of emancipation in Human Rights Education, using the philosophy of praxis as a theoretical framework, basing on authors as Tonet, Losurdo, Marx, and Saviani and Duarte, taking as a privileged locus analysis of the Plan National Human Rights Education (PNEDH, 2007). The discussion about the historical development of the movement of the struggles for human rights was a starting point to indicate how, in general, these struggles have been developing since the context of bourgeois revolutions. From there we tried to discuss how the prospect of citizenship has been treated within the Rights Education, the latter being a reflection of social movements' struggles for rights from the year 1980. Situating this movement within a larger movement on the issue of education in Brazil in the twentieth century, we tried to discuss the flags such as citizenship, the strengthening of civil society and creating a culture of rights as a goal of emancipation. Seeking to differentiate between citizenship as political emancipation and human emancipation, was placed the imperative to take the citizenship as a mediator and not as an endpoint in order to equip a culture of struggle for a classless society without exploitation of man by man
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This paper appears in order to promote a discussion on the use and ways of working with the land. For this, we present a scenario of conflict initiated in Pontal do Parananema, São Paulo, Brazil, between the peasantry and the agrohidronegócio. The Pontal is a territory marked by agrarian and land conflicts, originated by the illegal occupation of land by the squatters, the decimation / expropriation of indigenous, and deforestation and environmental devastation. This conflict is represented today by the sugarcane agro-industrial capital companies on one side, and the other peasants. The expansion occurs agrohidronegócio strongly from 2005, due mainly to the change in the energy matrix of the country and state incentives with strong momentum in the production of flex-fuel vehicles. Rural agrarian reform settlements, made possible by the state under pressure from social movements, are spatialized in 16 municipalities with a total of 112 settlements, occupying an area of 139. 682 hectares, seating 5. 892 families. These families have seen their possibilities of social reproduction increasingly suppressed by the advance of sugarcane agrohidronegócio in the region, which suffocates the living spaces and work of these peasants. Front of it, agroecology is an alternative for these workers to ensure their reproductive possibilities. Agroecology also arises as a means of confronting agribusiness model, adding elements to the environment, such as the eradication of the use of pesticides and considering the dynamics of nature to promote agriculture, and social order, contributing food sovereignty and the production of healthy food and diversity to the population...
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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Pós-graduação em Comunicação - FAAC
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The hypothesis guiding this work is that the student movement of 1968, inserted into a scene of great social movements contrary to the present political system, showed great expression in its demonstrations even considering the fact that in a dictatorship there was significant intolerance of divergent views to the military regime, which, of the student movement of 2008, inserted into a scene of mobilizations contrary to the educational system and the corruption that permeated it. The aim of this study is to investigate the myths that permeate the image of students, through a comparison between the Brazilian student movement, highlighting the students at the University of Brasilia from 1968 to 2008, with the specific objective of analyzing if the student movement lost strength of mobilizing in support of their fight flags. The question may be answered from the youth of the 1960s characterized by revolutionary, in which the possible advances and retreats performed in 40 years of history of the student movement, which seems to have lost its revolutionary feature
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This study aimed to analyze the process of developing and implementing a politicalpedagogical project for rural schools in the city of Araraquara, focusing on one of the schools served. This is an ethnographic qualitative study. The instruments of data collection were participant observation, semi-structured interviews and documentary analysis. It was observed are a change in the community organization throughout the process, with regard to a more active attitude on the part of its members, who have pursued other means to claim the fulfillment of their demands by the Government and relevant institutions, which points to the pedagogical character of participation in the movement to fight for the education they desire. It was also noticed a process of re-signification by the subjects, of their own community identity while seated in an agrarian reform project, as well as a more effective participation of those in everyday life and school organization. It was also observed changes in indicators of school, with an increase in the achievement of students as well as reducing the dropout rate to zero, and the reduction of absenteeism of teachers.
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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the Cold War” and the dismantlement of the Walfare State that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the Welfare State, we present, still, that in the case of Spain it provoked consequences in the modus operandi of the formularization process and implementation of public politics. It occurred, in other words, a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.
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The article searches to launch some analyses and investigations on the historical reach of produced participative processes in Spain and Brazil. Evidently, both the processes if had uncurled in historical, social, economic contexts and distinct politicians, but, exactly thus, keep some approaches that we intend to give prominence in the present article. For example, the popular mobilization in the two presented cases after occurred a long period of not attendance of social demands socials. In the same way, the processes of democratic renewal of both are related with historical landmarks “end of the cold war” and the dismantlement of the State of well-being that introduced new rationalists in the relation between governing and governed dynamic, over all in the coinage and offer of public politics. How much to the dismantlement of the State of social welfare, we present, still, that in the case of Spain occurred a decentralization of its formulator power to decide arrangement of public politics that started to count on the participation of social actors in the called relational city (BECERRA, 2011). In the case of Brazil, the dictatorial period (1964-1985), the fast urban growth and the generation of precarious peripheries in the main cities, the distension and the Constituent (1986-1988) had generated the enough forces of pressure so that, gradually, if it incorporated the participative arrangement in the power to decide process. We identify that in both the cases, kept the had ratios, the instauration of a critical scene of suppression/absence of formulated public politics from an interface with the social movements were the propeller spring of the transformations in the power to decide mechanisms of formularization and implementation of public politics.