El sur de Córdoba en peligro : Acerca de la articulación entre ranqueles y refugiados unitarios (1841)

La Frontera Sur de Córdoba formó parte de la larga extensión conocida como Frontera Sur argentina, con la cual comparte un conjunto de relaciones estructurales definidas no sólo por la desgarradora experiencia de la guerra sino también por el cruce, las conexiones y el diálogo inter-cultural. El trabajo se ocupa de la vinculación de los ranqueles con los unitarios que se refugiaron en las tolderías después de la derrota de las fuerzas de Gregorio Aráoz de Lamadrid que ocupó Córdoba en 1840. Procura establecer cómo la articulación de estas dos fuerzas sociales afectó el ejercicio de la soberanía por parte del gobierno provincial. Se sostiene que los ataques ranqueles integrados por refugiados unitarios habrían puesto en cuestionamiento el ejercicio del poder territorial por parte del Estado provincial

The Inefficiency of Self-Sufficiency: Uzbekistan's Response to CASA-1000

Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

A broad framework for the exploration of South China Sea hydrocarbon deposits in the context of the Trans-ASEAN gas pipeline

Proposals to interconnect the existing gas infrastructure of ASEAN states by a Trans-ASEAN Gas Pipeline carry potential for increased economic development, efficiency and improved energy security in South East Asia - plans to expand the Trans-ASEAN Gas Pipeline to remote hydrocarbon deposits in the South China Sea is subject to contradicting claims of sovereignty by several nations - recent developments in the relationship between ASEAN and China indicate that an interim arrangement is possible, holding great potential to be economically, socially and politically beneficial to the entire region.

The responsibility to protect and the crisis in Darfur

Governments that have endorsed the 'sovereignty as responsibility' approach have shown little inclination to protect civilians suffering at the hands of their own government in the Sudanese province of Darfur. After providing an overview of Darfur's crisis and international society's feeble response, we explore why the strongest advocates of 'sovereignty as responsibility', the NATO and EU states, failed to seriously contemplate military intervention. We suggest that three main factors help explain the West's unwillingness to intervene in Darfur: increased scepticism about the West's humanitarian interventionism, especially after the invasion of Iraq; Western strategic interests in Sudan; and the relationship between the crisis in Darfur and Sudan's other civil wars. We conclude that the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention remains weak and strongly contested, and that advocates of the 'responsibility to protect' approach have yet to persuade their governments to help save populations in danger.

The commentariat and discourse failure: language and atrocity in Cool Britannia

Recent terrorist events in the UK, such as the security alerts at British airports in August 2006 and the London bombings of July 2005 gained extensive media and academic analysis. This study contends, however, that much of the commentary demonstrated a wide degree of failure among government agencies, academic and analytic experts and the wider media, about the nature of the threat and continues to distort comprehension of the extant danger. The principal failure, this argument maintains, was, and continues to be, one of an asymmetry of comprehension that mistakes the still relatively limited means of violent jihadist radicals with limited political ends. The misapprehension often stems from the language that surrounds the idea of 'terrorism', which increasingly restricts debate to an intellectually redundant search for the 'root causes' that give rise to the politics of complacency. In recent times this outlook has consistently underestimated the level of the threat to the security of the UK. This article argues that a more realistic appreciation of the current security condition requires abandoning the prevailing view that the domestic threat is best prosecuted as a criminal conspiracy. It demands instead a total strategy to deal with a totalizing threat. The empirical evidence demonstrates the existence of a physical threat, not merely the political fear of threat. The implementation of a coherent set of social policies for confronting the threat at home recognizes that securing state borders and maintaining internal stability are the first tasks of government. Fundamentally, this requires a return to an understanding of the Hobbesian conditions for sovereignty, which, despite the delusions of post-Cold War cosmopolitan multiculturalism, never went away.

Whither the responsibility to protect? Humanitarian intervention and the 2005 World Summit

At the 2005 World Summit, the world's leaders committed themselves to the "responsibility to protect", recognizing both that all states have a responsibility to protect their citizens from genocide, war crimes, ethnic cleansing and crimes against humanity and that the UN should help states to discharge this responsibility using either peaceful means or enforcement action. This declaration ostensibly marks an important milestone in the relationship between sovereignty and human rights but its critics argue that it will make little difference in practice to the world's most threatened people. The purpose of this article is to ask how consensus was reached on the responsibility to protect, given continuing hostility to humanitarian intervention expressed by many (if not most) of the world's states and whether the consensus will contribute to avoiding future Kosovos (cases where the Security Council is deadlocked in the face of a humanitarian crises) and future Rwandas (cases where states lack the political will to intervene). It suggests that four key factors contributed to the consensus: pressure from proponents of the International Commission on Intervention and State Sovereignty, its adoption by Kofi Annan and the UN's High Level Panel, an emerging consensus in the African Union, and the American position. Whilst these four factors contributed to consensus, each altered the meaning of the responsibility to protect in important ways, creating a doctrine that many states can sign up to but that does little to prevent future Kosovos and Rwandas and may actually inhibit attempts to build a consensus around intervention in future cases.

Locating whiteness in the academic production of "I Philosophy" in and of time and place

This review will critically evaluate two recent texts by white academics working across disciplines of cultural studies, history and anthropology and published by UNSW Press, which share a focus on the relationship between Aboriginality, Philosophy, Place and Time in Australia. I write from the position of a queer white academic committed to engaging politically and intellectually with the challenge of Indigenous sovereignties in this place while also aware that my position as a middle class white woman and intellectual imposes limits on what it is possible for me to know about Indigenous epistemologies (see Moreton-Robinson, 2000). In the course of this review I will demonstrate how anthropology's tendency to fix its objects of study within a circumscribed space of 'difference' limits the capacity of texts produced within this discipline to account for racialized struggles over sovereignty. While these struggles are equally embedded in the ethnographic context and the nation's constitution and political institutions, we will see that Muecke and Bird Rose confront problems in analysing the relationship between the intimate space of the 'field', in which one's research subjects quickly become one's 'friends' and/or 'classificatory kin'—on one hand—and the public space of the nation within which statements about Aboriginality by white academics circulate and are vested with an authority that escapes individual intentions and control—on the other.

A Doutrina da Criação na teologia de Calvino e Barth: A semelhança do método como fundamento da releitura teológica barthiana.

João Calvino é o primeiro nome que nos vem à mente ao falarmos da Reforma Protestante do século XVI. A sua influência em Genebra e especialmente a sua mais famosa e importante obra teológica intitulada Institutas, que também serviu e ainda serve de manual doutrinário para os calvinistas, atestam de fato o significado de Calvino para o rotestantismo. Nas Institutas Calvino reinterpretou todos os dogmas teológicos da igreja cristã. O dogma da criação assume lugar de destaque em sua obra pois é a partir dele que Calvino abordará outros dois, também fundamentais, que são revelação e salvação em Cristo. A característica principal que encontramos no dogma da criação de Calvino é a majestade soberana de Deus. Aliás, essa característica soberania de Deus marcou fortemente o protestantismo e ainda se faz presente na tradição reformada. Se João Calvino é o primeiro nome da Reforma Protestante, talvez, sem exagero, Karl Barth seja o primeiro nome de toda a tradição reformada. Semelhante a Calvino, Barth também reinterpretou todos os dogmas da igreja cristã. Das suas muitíssimas obras destaca-se a Die Kirchliche Dogmatik contendo mais de 9.000 páginas, que também serviu e ainda serve significativamente de referência dogmática para o protestantismo. A característica principal que encontramos no dogma da criação em Barth é o pacto da graça de Deus. A minha pesquisa focalizou o dogma da criação reinterpretado por Calvino e Barth. Ao meu ver, Barth se aproxima teologicamente de Calvino, primeiro, por ser calvinista declarado e segundo, porque sua última fase teológica é exclusivamente marcada pelo dogmatismo. Nessa pesquisa procurei desenvolver os pontos de contato entre Barth e Calvino, por exemplo, a semelhança do método teológico, que também será o fundamento da minha proposta de que Barth faz de seu dogma da criação uma releitura do dogma da criação de Calvino.(AU)

The French overseas territories today

From French colonies (or protectorates) to French Overseas Territories or Overseas Départements in 1946, these French overseas entities have progressively evolved, by different speeds and degrees. If the initial changes suggested by the United Nations (UN) were mostly justified on political and ideological grounds (the right to independence, self-determination and sovereignty), the current changes, encouraged by France this time, appear mainly as an attempt to alleviate economic dependency. This paper considers what is really at stake in the current statutory evolution of the French Overseas territories.

Governance in contemporary Germany:the semisovereign State revisited

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, West Germany was considered to be one of the world’s most successful economic and political systems. In his seminal 1987 analysis of West Germany’s ‘semisovereign’ system of governance, Peter Katzenstein attributed this success to a combination of a fragmented polity, consensus politics and incremental policy changes. However, unification in 1990 has both changed Germany’s institutional configuration and created economic and social challenges on a huge scale. This volume therefore asks whether semisovereignty still exists in contemporary Germany and, crucially, whether it remains an asset in terms of addressing these challenges. By shadowing and building on the original study, an eminent team of British, German and American scholars analyses institutional changes and the resulting policy developments in key sectors, with Peter Katzenstein himself providing the conclusion. Together, the chapters provide a landmark assessment of the outcomes produced by one of the world’s most important countries. Contents: 1. Introduction: semisovereignty challenged Simon Green and William E. Paterson; 2. Institutional transfer: can semisovereignty be transferred? The political economy of Eastern Germany Wade Jacoby; 3. Political parties Thomas Saalfeld; 4. Federalism: the new territorialism Charlie Jeffery; 5. Shock-absorbers under stress. Parapublic institutions and the double challenges of German unification and European integration Andreas Busch; 6. Economic policy management: catastrophic equilibrium, tipping points and crisis interventions Kenneth Dyson; 7. Industrial relations: from state weakness as strength to state weakness as weakness. Welfare corporatism and the private use of the public interest Wolfgang Streeck; 8. Social policy: crisis and transformation Roland Czada; 9. Immigration and integration policy: between incrementalism and non-decisions Simon Green; 10. Environmental policy: the law of diminishing returns? Charles Lees; 11. Administrative reform Kluas H. Goetz; 12. European policy-making: between associated sovereignty and semisovereignty William E. Paterson; 13. Conclusion: semisovereignty in United Germany Peter J. Katzenstein.

Why does tax have to be so taxing? The Court revisits the Franked Investment Income litigation

Examines the European Court of Justice ruling in Test Claimants in the FII Group Litigation v Inland Revenue Commissioners (C-35/11) on whether the differential tax treatment of domestic and foreign-sourced dividends in the UK was compatible with the freedom of establishment and free movement of capital principles. Outlines its guidance on how to assess this compatibility. Considers the ruling's implications for the UK tax system, the relationship between tax sovereignty and the internal market and the third-country dimension of the free movement of capital principle.

Orthodox Christianity and Nationalism in Nineteenth-Century Southeastern Europe

Nation-building processes in the Orthodox commonwealth brought together political institutions and religious communities in their shared aims of achieving national sovereignty. Chronicling how the churches of Greece, Romania, Bulgaria, and Serbia acquired independence from the Patriarchate of Constantinople in the wake of the Ottoman Empire’s decline, Orthodox Christianity and Nationalism in Nineteenth-Century Southeastern Europe examines the role of Orthodox churches in the construction of national identities. Drawing on archival material available after the fall of communism in southeastern Europe and Russia, as well as material published in Greek, Serbian, Bulgarian, Romanian, and Russian, Orthodox Christianity and Nationalism in Nineteenth-Century Southeastern Europe analyzes the challenges posed by nationalism to the Ecumenical Patriarchate and the ways in which Orthodox churches engaged in the nationalist ideology.

Environmental governance in a contested state:the influence of European Union and other external actors on energy sector regulation in Kosovo

This article examines environmental governance in Kosovo, with a particular focus on the energy sector. The article considers the degree to which the emerging model of environmental governance is characterised by hierarchical and non-hierarchical modes of coordination. We examine the roles of a number of domestic institutions and actors – ministries, agencies, and regulatory bodies– and the influence of external actors, including the EU, the US, and Serbia. The EU is building Kosovo’s own hierarchical governance capacity by strengthening domestic institutions, whilst the US focuses primarily on market liberalization, whilst simultaneously supporting EU efforts. Moreover, environmental policy change is not wholly or predominantly driven by domestic actors, which can partly be attributed to Kosovo’s limited domestic sovereignty. We conclude that the emerging model of environmental governance in Kosovo is characterized by a weak hierarchy, partly as a result of external actor involvement, which disincentivises the government from responding to domestic non-state actor pressure.

Nationalism and globalisation:conflicting or complementary?

Nationalism and globalisation are two central phenomena of the modern world, that have both shaped and been shaped by each other, yet few connections have been made systematically between the two. This book brings together leading international scholars to examine the effect of globalisation on nationalism, and how the persistence of the nation affects globalisation. With a range of case studies from Europe, the US and Asia, the authors focus on the interaction between globalisation, national identity, national sovereignty, state-formation and the economy. ◦ Part one provides theoretical reflections on the flexibility and plasticity of the terms nationalism and globalisation focusing on the ways in which nationalism has shaped and has been shaped by globalising forces. ◦ Part two examines the relationship between nationalism and globalisation in different historical eras and different regions, questioning established approaches. ◦ Part three focuses on contemporary issues including the economic crisis, labour migration and citizenship and the theme of global culture. The result is a highly topical account that considers the conceptual landscape of Nationalism and Globalisation. With an interdisciplinary approach, Nationalism and Globalisation will be of interest to students and scholars of political science, sociology, history, economics and international relations.

Globalizáció, nemzeti szuverenitás és demokrácia. Magyarország helyzete a globális világban (Globalization, national sovereignity and democracy)

Korunk új világrendjében alapvetően átrendeződik a globalizáció, a nemzeti szuverenitás és a demokrácia viszonya. Ebben az új helyzetben minden országnak, köztük hazánknak is elkerülhetetlenül szembe kell nézni azzal a körülménnyel, amit Dani Rodrik fogalmazott meg és a globális világgazdaság politikai trilemmájának nevezett, hogy e hármas egyidejűleg nem valósítható meg. E trilemmára adott válasz pedig alapvetően meghatározza azt, hogy miként alakul a világ és benne hazánk jövőbeni sorsa. A cikk e trilemma kialakulásának mozgatóerőivel, az arra adható válaszokkal foglalkozik, kísérletet téve arra, hogy Magyarországra vonatkozó tanulságokat is levonjon. / === / Our contemporary world has basically rearranged the relationship between globalization, national sovereignty and democracy. In this new situation all countries including Hungary have to face the great challenges under the political trilemma of the global economy, coined by D. Rodrik. The answers given by countries to it will determine the future development path of the whole world, and of course Hungary's one as well. The driving forces behind this dilemma and the possible answers for it are the subject of the paper.