758 resultados para media and television


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En este artículo analizamos los contenidos transmedia que tienen como “nave nodriza” las series programadas por las cadenas de televisión tanto nacionales (La 1, Antena 3, Telecinco) como autonómicas (TV3, ETB, TVG, Canal Sur) con producción propia y de estreno en 2013. Son en total 33 títulos, entre los que se encuentran Aída, Frágiles, La que se avecina (Telecinco); El barco, Bandolera, Amar es para siempre, El tiempo entre costuras (Antena 3); Cuéntame, Gran Reserva, Isabel, Águila Roja (La 1), La riera, Polseres vermelles (TV3); DHB, Goenkale (ETB); Matalobos, Padre Casares (TVG) y Arrayán y Flamán (Canal Sur). Hacemos un repaso de los sites de las series, donde se concentran los contenidos transmedia, y proponemos una clasificación de la gran variedad de formatos encontrados, recurriendo a las distintas categorías de touchpoints que permiten el contacto del receptor con la narración televisiva fuera de la pequeña pantalla. Los resultados apuntan a una presencia abrumadora de los contenidos reenvasados o adaptados al nuevo medio o plataforma y a una escasa todavía expansión transmedial con contenidos inéditos, diferenciados por medio y narrativamente relevantes.

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Este artículo tiene como objetivo abordar la dimensión formativa y comunicativa entre las Tecnologías dela Información y la Comunicación (TIC) y el alumnado de Educación Secundaria Obligatoria para establecer un mayor conocimiento sobre qué y cómo estos jóvenes las usan, acceden a sus formatos e interaccionan con sus contenidos. Así se presentan los resultados de una investigación, realizada en 15 centros educativos de titularidad pública y concertada dela Comunidad Autónoma de la Región de Murcia (España), en la que se ha pretendido conocer el equipamiento, uso y consumo de medios digitales (Internet, redes sociales, teléfono móvil, consola de videojuegos y televisión) del alumnado con necesidad específica de apoyo educativo, según la LOE (2006), escolarizado en 3º y 4º de Educación Secundaria Obligatoria (ESO) y la existencia de diferencias respecto del alumnado sin dichas necesidades educativas. Para ello, 2734 alumnos, de los que 487 tenían necesidad específica de apoyo educativo, participaron a través de un cuestionario de 73 ítems con cuatro opciones de respuesta. Los datos fueron analizados con el paquete estadístico SPSS for Windows 15.0, utilizando estadísticos descriptivos. De los resultados conseguidos en esta investigación destacamos que en todas las dimensiones analizadas no existen grandes diferencias entre los dos grupos de alumnos que hemos establecido, pues se aprecia que determinados medios digitales usuales, como Internet, teléfono móvil, consola de videojuegos y televisión, son utilizados por todo el alumnado participante. No obstante, existen matices importantes que marcan diferencias entre ellos.

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En estos últimos años se ha visto un incremento exponencial en el uso de los medios digitales a todos los niveles. Por ello, consideramos que se hace necesario, desde el ámbito educativo, conocer los referentes e indicadores que valoren el consumo digital de nuestros jóvenes para plantearnos metodologías colaborativas que nos ayuden a favorecer una educación en y para el consumo de medios digitales, entendiendo que un primer paso sería conocer el equipamiento, acceso y uso para valorar lo que hacen dichos adolescentes cuando interaccionan con estos medios digitales. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar el uso y consumo de medios digitales (Internet, redes sociales, teléfono móvil, consola de videojuegos y televisión) del alumnado educación secundaria de la Comunidad Autónoma de la Región de Murcia. Por tanto, en este trabajo se van a presentar los resultados de una investigación, en la que han participado un total de 2734 alumnos de 3º y 4º de la ESO de 15 centros educativos públicos y concertados, a los que se les administró un cuestionario de 73 ítems, con cuatro opciones de respuesta, estructurándose en seis dimensiones que recogen la información referida al uso y consumo de los diferentes medios digitales. Los datos fueron analizados con el paquete estadístico SPSS for Windows 15.0, utilizando estadísticos descriptivos. De los resultados obtenidos habría que destacar las diferencias que se aprecian entre el uso y consumo de los medios digitales por género, ya que los chicos y las chicas no los usan, de la misma manera. Las diferencias más significativas las encontramos en la participación en las redes sociales, en el uso de la consola y ante el consumo de la televisión. En los otros dos medios analizados las diferencias no son tan significativas pero se ha de destacar el consumo de Internet y del móvil entre los jóvenes de 15 a 17 años de ambos sexos.

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Although Portugal does not have a significant radical right presence in its party system, in the last decades the country did witness the development of a neo-Nazi skinhead movement that expresses its white nationalist nature and goals through the musical genres of Rock Against Communism (RAC) and the related Oi!. Utilizing various historical sources and theoretical analysis, this study contextualizes the development of nationalist music in Portugal, both before and especially during the democratic period (1974-2015). It focuses on its protagonists, domestic and international networks, as well as on the few attempts to establish a common cause with radical right-wing political parties at the turn of the century and in present times.

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The outbreak of the protests in the Maidan in Kyiv, and also periodically in other Ukrainian cities, has come as a surprise to both the government and the opposition. These rallies have now been ongoing for several weeks and their most striking feature is their focus on citizenship and their apolitical nature and, by extension, a clear attempt to dissociate the protests from Ukraine’s political opposition. Neither Batkivshchyna, UDAR nor Svoboda have managed to take over full control of the demonstrations. On the one hand, this has been linked to the fact that the protesters have little confidence in opposition politicians and, on the other hand, to disputes over a joint strategy and to rivalry between the three parties. As a result, the citizen-led movement has managed to retain its independence from any political actors. As a consequence of the radicalisation and escalation of the protests following 19 January, the political opposition has lost a significant proportion of the control it had been in possession of until then. Maidan should also be seen as the first clear manifestation of a new generation of Ukrainians – raised in an independent Ukraine, well-educated and familiar with new social media, but nonetheless seeking to ground themselves in national tradition. After the initial shock and a series of failed attempts to quell the protests, the government has seemingly opted to wait out the unrest. At the same time, however, it has been creating administrative obstacles for both the political and the civil opposition, restricting their access to the media and severely limiting the legal possibility to organise demonstrations.

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On June 15, 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker, the lead candidate of the European People’s Party, was elected President of the European Commission, with the support of the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe, and some of the European Socialists and Greens. Amid unprecedented Euroscepticism, the media and many pundits predicted a record-low voter turnout and record-high results for Europhobic parties. The aforementioned parties then decided that the political outcome of these 2014 European elections would also be unprecedented. For the first time in EU history, the European political parties agreed to nominate candidates to chair the institution, which they justified by putting forward Article 17 of the Lisbon Treaty. The European Parliament has often characteristically used political discourse - the logos, to influence the EU’s institutional framework, even though it entails grappling with Member States. It took the form of reports and resolutions, like the official use of the phrase “European Parliament” in 1962, direct universal suffrage elections in 1975 and a European Union in 1984. Nominating contenders to chair the European Commission is no exception. It requires a specific political discourse whose origins can be traced back to the early years of the European Parliament, when it was still the “Common Assembly”. This political discourse is one of the elements thanks to which the European Parliament acquired visibility and new prerogatives, in pursuit of its legitimacy. However, the executive branch in all member states is not intent on yielding such prerogatives to the European Parliament. As a matter of fact, the European Parliament has often ended up strengthening the heads of state and governments, since MEPs are forced to resort to self-discipline. The symbolic significance of its logos and, consequently, its own politicisation as a source of legitimacy, is thus undermined. For instance, in 2014, Jean-Claude Juncker’s election actually strengthened German Chancellor Angela Merkel. First she questioned the fact that the candidate whose party holds the parliamentary majority after the election should be appointed President of the Commission. Then she seemed strongly intent on democratising the Union, when she confronted David Cameron, who openly opposed Juncker, believed to be too federalist and old-fashioned a candidate. By doing so, she eventually reduced the symbolic dimension of the European Parliament’s initiative, and Juncker’s election. She also unquestionably embodied EU leadership. This paper aims at analysing Juncker’s election to the Presidency of the European Commission, as well as other questions it raises. In the first part, I lay out some thoughts about the sociohistorical context of voting in European elections in order to make the readers understand why the European Parliament should be bolder. Secondly, I try to explain how the European Parliament has used the logos as a weapon to grapple with member states for more power, as was the case during the 2014 European elections. Last but not least, I seek to show how Angela Merkel got hold of that weapon and took advantage of it, thus proving that despite MEPs’ best efforts, Juncker’s task will be all the more complicated as he was not the consensual candidate of all the governments.

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South Africa and Mexico are ripe with drug trafficking. The gangs and syndicates running the drug businesses in these two countries collaborate occasionally. Communication between these international drug business partners takes place on social media. Their main language of communication is English, mixed with some limited use of Spanish and Afrikaans. The key purpose of the interactions between the South African and Mexican parties is the organisation of their business activities. This study aims at examining how the drug traffickers position each other and themselves regarding their common business interest and how their relationship evolves throughout their interactions. Moreover, it is of interest to look at how these people make use of different social media and their affordances. For this a qualitative analysis of the interaction between two drug traffickers (one South African and one Mexican) on Facebook, Threema and PlayStation 4 was performed. Computer-mediated communication between these two main informants was studied at various stages of their relationship. Results show that at first the interaction between the South African and Mexican drug traffickers consists of interpersonal negotiations of power. The high risk of the drug business and gang/syndicate membership paired with intercultural frictions causes the two interlocutors to be extremely cautious and at the same time to mark their position. As their relationship develops and they gain trust in each other a shift to interpersonal negotiations of solidarity takes place. In these discursive practices diverse linguistic strategies are employed for creating relational effects and for positioning the other and the self. The discursive activities of the interactants are also identity practices. Thus, the two drug traffickers construct identities through these social practices, positioning and their interpersonal relationship.

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Both systems were designed and developed by NHTSA's National Center for Statistics and Analysis (NCSA) to provide an overall measure of highway safety, to help identify traffic safety problems, to suggest solutions, and to help provide an objective basis on which to evaluate the effectiveness of motor vehicle safety standards and highway safety initiatives. Data from these systems are used to answer requests for information from the international and national highway traffic safety communities, including state and local governments, the Congress, Federal agencies, research organizations, industry, the media, and private citizens.

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Includes bibliographical references and index.

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Do the “democratization” of media and the proliferation of online participatory culture undermine the aesthetic hegemony of professional filmmakers? This article is a case study of both more and less popular animated Lego videos, also called “brickfilms,” that asks how amateur videos adhere to and/or depart from professionalized aesthetic standards. It addresses the definitions of professionalism and amateurism and proposes that the dichotomy between democratization and ongoing elitism is insufficient to describe the complex dialogue between professional film aesthetics and amateur production—a dialogue that is diverse but nonetheless follows certain patterns. These patterns link Lego videos to silent era cinema as well as contemporary professional live-action and stop-motion animation. Furthermore, a mixture of parody, pastiche, and homage suggest that amateur work has a variety of affective relationships to professional work. Ultimately, amateur filmmaking indicates a negotiation of professional standards rather than slavish adherence.

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This study examines a range of Dutch post-war fiction films and also works as an implicit overview on the basis of types of humour, like low-class comedy, neurotic romances; deliberate camp, homosocial jokes, cosmic irony, grotesque satire.

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Realizing the Witch follows the unfolding of Benjamin Christensen’s visual narrative in his 1922 film, Häxan (The Witch). Through a close reading of Häxan, Baxstrom and Meyers examine the study of witchcraft from historical and anthropological perspectives, as well as the intersection of popular culture, artistic expression and scientific ideas. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.

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A rich collection that looks at how the British monarchy has been seen on film and television. It is the first comprehensive look at royalty on screen. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.

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Terraforming is the process of making other worlds habitable for human life. This book asks how science fiction has imagined how we shape both our world and other planets and how stories of terraforming reflect on science, society and environmentalism.

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Later volumes prepared for the Mutual Security Agency, Productivity and Technical Assistance Division.