889 resultados para anion gap
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The true causes of the EU’s inertia as a security actor in its neighbourhood and beyond are not a lack of capability or even austerity measures, but the absence of a core group of states committed to driving integration forward, argues Giovanni Faleg. Member states are reluctant to set clear common strategic priorities and struggle to agree on a revision of the institutional rules. Their strategic cultures and interests differ significantly; they hold different visions of the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) and are unwilling to use the CSDP instruments at their disposal.
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Daniel Gros argues in this commentary that the cause of the transatlantic growth gap following the recovery starting in 2010 from the global financial crisis should not be sought in excessive eurozone austerity or the excessive prudence of the European Central Bank. Rather, compared to the US, he argues that the excess debt created in the EU during the boom years has been much more difficult to work off. He acknowledges that European officials are right to promote structural reforms of EU countries’ labour and product markets, but advises that they should also focus on overhauling and accelerating bankruptcy procedures, so that losses can be recognised more quickly and over-indebted households can start afresh, rather than being shackled for years.
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The contracting defence budgets in Europe, the difficulties in developing the EU’s security policy, NATO's transformation, the reorientation of US security policy and the problems experienced by European defence industries – all together have in recent years created an increased interest in political, military and military-technological co-operation in Europe.It has manifested itself in concepts of closer co-operation within NATO and the EU (smart defence and pooling&sharing), bilateral and multilateral initiatives outside the structures of NATO and the EU (such as the Nordic Defence Co-operation or the Franco-British co-operation) and debates about the prerequisites, principles and objectives of bilateral, multilateral and regional security and defence co-operation. The present report aims to analyse the potential for security and defence co-operation among selected countries in the area between the Baltic Sea and the Black Sea, i.e. the Nordic states (Denmark, Finland, Norway and Sweden), the Baltic states (Lithuania Latvia and Estonia), Poland's partners in the Visegrad Group (the Czech Republic, Hungary and Slovakia) as well as Romania and Bulgaria. The authors were guided by the assumption that those states are Poland's natural partners for closer regional military co-operation. It may complement ‘the Western’ direction of Poland's security and defence policy, i.e. relations with the partners from the Weimar Triangle and the US. Its goal is not to replace the existing security structures but rather to strengthen military capabilities in the region within NATO and the EU.
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This paper argues that the Phillips curve relationship is not sufficient to trace back the output gap, because the effect of excess demand is not symmetric across tradeable and non-tradeable sectors. In the non-tradeable sector, excess demand creates excess employment and inflation via the Phillips curve, while in the tradeable sector much of the excess demand is absorbed by the trade balance. We set up an unobserved-components model including both a Phillips curve and a current account equation to estimate ‘sustainable output’ for 45 countries. Our estimates for many countries differ substantially from the potential output estimates of the European Commission, IMF and OECD. We assemble a comprehensive real-time dataset to estimate our model on data which was available in each year from 2004-15. Our model was able to identify correctly the sign of pre-crisis output gaps using real time data for countries such as the United States, Spain and Ireland, in contrast to the estimates of the three institutions, which estimated negative output gaps real-time, while their current estimates for the pre-crisis period suggest positive gaps. In the past five years the annual output gap estimate revisions of our model, the European Commission, IMF, OECD and the Hodrick-Prescott filter were broadly similar in the range of 0.5-1.0 percent of GDP for advanced countries. Such large revisions are worrisome, because the European fiscal framework can translate the imprecision in output gap estimates into poorly grounded fiscal policymaking in the EU.
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Intraerythrocytic growth of the human malaria parasite Plasmodium falciparum depends on delivery of nutrients. Moreover, infection challenges cell volume constancy of the host erythrocyte requiring enhanced activity of cell volume regulatory mechanisms. Patch clamp recording demonstrated inwardly and outwardly rectifying anion channels in infected but not in control erythrocytes. The molecular identity of those channels remained elusive. We show here for one channel type that voltage dependence, cell volume sensitivity, and activation by oxidation are identical to ClC-2. Moreover, Western blots and FACS analysis showed protein and functional ClC-2 expression in human erythrocytes and erythrocytes from wild type (Clcn2(+/+)) but not from Clcn2(-/-) mice. Finally, patch clamp recording revealed activation of volume-sensitive inwardly rectifying channels in Plasmodium berghei-infected Clcn2(+/+) but not Clcn2(-/-) erythrocytes. Erythrocytes from infected mice of both genotypes differed in cell volume and inhibition of ClC-2 by ZnCl(2) (1 mm) induced an increase of cell volume only in parasitized Clcn2(+/+) erythrocytes. Lack of ClC-2 did not inhibit P. berghei development in vivo nor substantially affect the mortality of infected mice. In conclusion, activation of host ClC-2 channels participates in the altered permeability of Plasmodium-infected erythrocytes but is not required for intraerythrocytic parasite survival.
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"March 1988."
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"November 13, 1950."
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Mode of access: Internet.
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"NPS D-68"--P. [3] of cover.