Trajectories and outcomes of the 'Arab Spring' : comparing Tunisia, Egypt, Libya and Syria

Almost three years have passed since the 'Arab Spring' began in late 2010. In the major sites of popular uprisings, political conditions remain unsettled or violent. Despite similarities in their original opposition to authoritarian rule, the outcomes differed from country to country. In Tunisia and Egypt, processes of transiting from authoritarian rule produced contrasting consequences for democratic politics. Uprisings led to armed rebellion in Libya and Syria, but whereas Gaddafi was overthrown, Asad was not. What explains the different trajectories and outcomes of the Arab Spring? How were these shaped by the power structure and levels of social control of the pre-uprising regimes and their state institutions, on the one hand, and by the character of the societies and oppositional forces that rose against them? Comparing Tunisia with Egypt, and Libya with Syria, this paper discusses various factors that account for variations in the trajectories and outcomes of the Arab Spring, namely, the legacy of the previous regime, institutional and constitutional choices during "transition" from authoritarian rule, socioeconomic conditions, and the presence of absence of ethnic, sectarian and geographic diversity.

REVISTA BRAVO! ESTUDO DO COMPORTAMENTO DO JORNALISMO CULTURAL FRENTE ÀS PRESSÕES DO MERCADO

Desempenhando papel de importância no jornalismo cultural, as revistas especializadas mostram que, embora alguns estudiosos acreditem numa crise neste setor, com a massificação do conteúdo de assuntos ligados à cultura existe um movimento na área cultural que revela o interesse de várias publicações relacionadas ao tema. O objetivo deste estudo é verificar, dentro da perspectiva da análise qualitativa de conteúdo, se a Revista Bravo!, ao longo dos 11 anos de existência, transitou da proposta inicial de jornalismo cultural diferenciado para um jornalismo de caráter comercial, acompanhando uma tendência de mercado. Todavia, a partir da revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema, constatou-se que o termo jornalismo cultural corresponde a uma variável do jornalismo mais ampla e complexa do que atualmente se supõe e que certamente, alguns veículos merecem reconhecimento por continuarem trazendo análises e reflexões oportunas sobre as diversas produções culturais, como no caso da Bravo!, que não se confirmou que tenha existido um movimento do cultural para o comercial, mas uma mudança na pauta como estratégia editorial para sobrevivência.

REVISTA BRAVO! ESTUDO DO COMPORTAMENTO DO JORNALISMO CULTURAL FRENTE ÀS PRESSÕES DO MERCADO

Desempenhando papel de importância no jornalismo cultural, as revistas especializadas mostram que, embora alguns estudiosos acreditem numa crise neste setor, com a massificação do conteúdo de assuntos ligados à cultura existe um movimento na área cultural que revela o interesse de várias publicações relacionadas ao tema. O objetivo deste estudo é verificar, dentro da perspectiva da análise qualitativa de conteúdo, se a Revista Bravo!, ao longo dos 11 anos de existência, transitou da proposta inicial de jornalismo cultural diferenciado para um jornalismo de caráter comercial, acompanhando uma tendência de mercado. Todavia, a partir da revisão bibliográfica sobre o tema, constatou-se que o termo jornalismo cultural corresponde a uma variável do jornalismo mais ampla e complexa do que atualmente se supõe e que certamente, alguns veículos merecem reconhecimento por continuarem trazendo análises e reflexões oportunas sobre as diversas produções culturais, como no caso da Bravo!, que não se confirmou que tenha existido um movimento do cultural para o comercial, mas uma mudança na pauta como estratégia editorial para sobrevivência.

HIP HOP COMO PROCESSO COMUNICACIONAL E SOCIABILIDADE PARA JOVENS INDÍGENAS DE DOURADOS – MS

Estudo sobre o Hip Hop como processo comunicacional e sociabilidade entre jovens indígenas de Dourados, Mato Grosso do Sul, para verificar quais os principais objetivos da prática do movimento Hip Hop, compreender se serve como comunicação, contribui para o fortalecimento da língua guarani ou gera novas tensões sociais na reserva. Para tanto, foi analisado aspectos históricos do movimento, passando pelos Estudos Culturais, e como Movimento Social, dando início à discussão de uma voz alternativa por meio do Hip Hop. Do ponto de vista metodológico, trata-se de um de estudo de caso, com representantes dos grupos de jovens Brô Mc's e Jovens Conscientes, das reservas Jaguapirú e Bororó, das etnias Guarani-Kaiowá de Dourados (MS). Foram realizadas entrevistas semiestruturadas junto a jovens que participaram das oficinas de hip hop, das lideranças indígenas e professores. A investigação é complementada pela pesquisa bibliográfica, documental e análises das letras de rap em confrontação com as visões da imprensa, a partir da análise dos jornais Diário MS e O Progresso. Os resultados apontam que os jovens se apropriam de uma cultura global para transformar o ambiente local com objetivo de preservar a língua guarani, uma alternativa para o conhecimento, logo para não seguirem caminhos como o das drogas. Negociando falas sobre sua realidade, dentro e fora da reserva, já que nos meios de comunicação locais há pouco espaço para a voz dos indígenas e dentro da reserva ainda há contestação do movimento em um contexto político, na tentativa de atingir uma cultura “pura”, devido à preocupação dos mais velhos com a perda de território.

Use of health services by children and young people according to ethnicity and social class: secondary analysis of a national survey

Objective To assess whether equity is achieved in use of general practitioner, outpatient, and inpatient services by children and young people according to their ethnic group and socioeconomic background.

Genetic evidence for different male and female roles during cultural transitions in the British Isles

Human history is punctuated by periods of rapid cultural change. Although archeologists have developed a range of models to describe cultural transitions, in most real examples we do not know whether the processes involved the movement of people or the movement of culture only. With a series of relatively well defined cultural transitions, the British Isles present an ideal opportunity to assess the demographic context of cultural change. Important transitions after the first Paleolithic settlements include the Neolithic, the development of Iron Age cultures, and various historical invasions from continental Europe. Here we show that patterns of Y-chromosome variation indicate that the Neolithic and Iron Age transitions in the British Isles occurred without large-scale male movements. The more recent invasions from Scandinavia, on the other hand, appear to have left a significant paternal genetic legacy. In contrast, patterns of mtDNA and X-chromosome variation indicate that one or more of these pre-Anglo-Saxon cultural revolutions had a major effect on the maternal genetic heritage of the British Isles.

Major histocompatibility complex class II DR alleles DRB1*1501 and those encoding HLA-DR13 are preferentially associated with a diminution in maternally transmitted human immunodeficiency virus 1 infection in different ethnic groups: determination by an automated sequence-based typing method.

Transmission of human immunodeficiency virus 1 (HIV-1) from an infected women to her offspring during gestation and delivery was found to be influenced by the infant's major histocompatibility complex class II DRB1 alleles. Forty-six HIV-infected infants and 63 seroreverting infants, born with passively acquired anti-HIV antibodies but not becoming detectably infected, were typed by an automated nucleotide-sequence-based technique that uses low-resolution PCR to select either the simpler Taq or the more demanding T7 sequencing chemistry. One or more DR13 alleles, including DRB1*1301, 1302, and 1303, were found in 31.7% of seroreverting infants and 15.2% of those becoming HIV-infected [OR (odds ratio) = 2.6 (95% confidence interval 1.0-6.8); P = 0.048]. This association was influenced by ethnicity, being seen more strongly among the 80 Black and Hispanic children [OR = 4.3 (1.2-16.4); P = 0.023], with the most pronounced effect among Black infants where 7 of 24 seroreverters inherited these alleles with none among 12 HIV-infected infants (Haldane OR = 12.3; P = 0.037). The previously recognized association of DR13 alleles with some situations of long-term nonprogression of HIV suggests that similar mechanisms may regulate both the occurrence of infection and disease progression after infection. Upon examining for residual associations, only only the DR2 allele DRB1*1501 was associated with seroreversion in Caucasoid infants (OR = 24; P = 0.004). Among Caucasoids the DRB1*03011 allele was positively associated with the occurrence of HIV infection (P = 0.03).

Adding Color to Feminism: White Privilege Within the Women's Liberation Movement.

This paper will explore how white privilege has been intertwined with the women's liberation movement in the United States. Feminism and its goals are described briefly and linked to an evaluation of white privilege within the movement. The feminist movement is explored throughout its three waves, including a class and race analysis of each separate period. In addition, this analysis focuses on how Black and Chicana women have been excluded from the mainstream, White, middle-class movement. Through the use of Social Dominance Theory (Sidanius & Pratto, 1999), the prevalence and impact of oppression and hierarchy are explored. The implications of oppression and exclusion in the current political climate are followed by suggestions for aligning the goals and direction of feminism with social justice.

Racionalización cultural de adicciones mediante representación narrativa del trauma poscolonial en reservas indígenas canadienses

Este artículo examina cómo discursos de salud mental, producidos dentro de un movimiento social de revitalización indígena, proporcionan una racionalidad cultural para la construcción contemporánea de la identidad. El diseño de la investigación ha sido cualitativo, realizándose un estudio de caso etnográfico y utilizando un muestreo intencional. Para la recolección del material empírico se utilizaron técnicas basadas en la entrevista y observación participante. Estrategias de análisis del contenido y del discurso han coadyuvado en la obtención de unos resultados que revelan cómo la concepción de la salud mental en reservas indígenas ha llegado a ser un dominio simbólico para crear y recrear la noción del yo indígena y para afrontar su posición marginal en el contexto poscolonial y sociopolítico canadiense. Las conclusiones de este estudio señalan cómo los problemas psicosociales en el contexto de las reservas indígenas trascienden el fenómeno epidemiológico para convertirlo en un fenómeno político, reflexivo y moral.

Gender and health inequalities: intersections with other relevant axes of oppression

The risk of disease, disability, and mortality as well as access to health services are unfairly distributed among the population, with certain groups bearing an unequally larger burden of ill health and poorer access to care due to gender, sexual identity/orientation, ethnic background, or class. According to the WHO Commission on Social Determinants of Health (CSDH), these health inequalities emanate from socioeconomic and political factors (governance, cultural values, macroeconomic policies), which generate a set of socioeconomic positions in society according to which populations are stratified based on gender, ethnicity, education, income, or other factors. These societal inequalities influence people’s material and psychosocial circumstances as well as behavioral and biological factors, which in turn impact on health inequalities. Tackling gender, race/ethnic, and socioeconomic inequalities in society is thus recognized as the most powerful action to cope with unequal health risks distribution, and social innovations focusing on these ‘root causes’ are needed in order to prevent and stop endemic social inequalities and social exclusion in health within low-income as well as high-income countries. Increasing existing knowledge and making visible the health status of the most vulnerable and invisible groups are critical in order to contribute to this imperative challenge.

The other side of protest music: the extreme-right and skinhead culture in democratic Portugal (1974-2015)

Although Portugal does not have a significant radical right presence in its party system, in the last decades the country did witness the development of a neo-Nazi skinhead movement that expresses its white nationalist nature and goals through the musical genres of Rock Against Communism (RAC) and the related Oi!. Utilizing various historical sources and theoretical analysis, this study contextualizes the development of nationalist music in Portugal, both before and especially during the democratic period (1974-2015). It focuses on its protagonists, domestic and international networks, as well as on the few attempts to establish a common cause with radical right-wing political parties at the turn of the century and in present times.

What do the Maidan protests tell us about Ukraine? Diagnosis and prospects for Ukrainian politics. OSW Commentary No. 125, 22.01.2014

The outbreak of the protests in the Maidan in Kyiv, and also periodically in other Ukrainian cities, has come as a surprise to both the government and the opposition. These rallies have now been ongoing for several weeks and their most striking feature is their focus on citizenship and their apolitical nature and, by extension, a clear attempt to dissociate the protests from Ukraine’s political opposition. Neither Batkivshchyna, UDAR nor Svoboda have managed to take over full control of the demonstrations. On the one hand, this has been linked to the fact that the protesters have little confidence in opposition politicians and, on the other hand, to disputes over a joint strategy and to rivalry between the three parties. As a result, the citizen-led movement has managed to retain its independence from any political actors. As a consequence of the radicalisation and escalation of the protests following 19 January, the political opposition has lost a significant proportion of the control it had been in possession of until then. Maidan should also be seen as the first clear manifestation of a new generation of Ukrainians – raised in an independent Ukraine, well-educated and familiar with new social media, but nonetheless seeking to ground themselves in national tradition. After the initial shock and a series of failed attempts to quell the protests, the government has seemingly opted to wait out the unrest. At the same time, however, it has been creating administrative obstacles for both the political and the civil opposition, restricting their access to the media and severely limiting the legal possibility to organise demonstrations.

The electoral success of the Svoboda Party - the consequences for Ukrainian politics. OSW Commentary No. 97, 2012-11-26

The All-Ukrainian Association ‘Svoboda’ scored an unexpected success in the parliamentary elections, winning support from over 10% of the voters and entering the select group of Ukrainian parliamentary parties which operate at a national level. Svoboda’s manifesto is nationalist and anti-liberal, in both economic and political aspects. It is in fact the anti-liberal component of this party’s manifesto which it can thank for achieving such a big electoral success. The faction formed by Svoboda’s 37 representatives in the Verkhovna Rada (Ukrainian parliament) will have a small impact on legislative work, but their activity may add further to the brutalisation of parliamentary life. Furthermore, Svoboda will attempt to make other opposition groupings adopt a more radical approach, which may trigger the disintegration of the United Opposition Baktivshchyna. A new wave of public protests is likely to emerge in Ukraine in the coming months. Therefore, it can be expected that Svoboda will make efforts to join in or even incite them, in order to promote its social and nationalist messages. This may contribute to increasing the popularity of nationalist ideas and to a further radicalisation of sentiments in Ukraine.

Language, Identity, Politics-the Myth of Two Ukraines. Bertelsmann Policy Brief, April 2014

The narrative of two Ukraines – the existence of two separate cultural-political communities within one Ukrainian state – has accompanied the relatively short history of inde-pendent Ukraine from the very be-ginning. Articulated by Mykola Ryabchuk more than twenty years ago1 and seemingly logical and reasonable, it has become the fa-vourite narrative of many Ukrainian and international commentators and analysts. One of these Ukraines is pro-European, shares liberal democracy values, wants to join the European Union, “return to Europe” and, what is very im-portant, speaks Ukrainian. The symbolic centre of this Ukraine is Lviv. The other is nostalgic about the Soviet Union, has close rela-tions with contemporary Russia, is hostile towards the West and does not share “western” values. The language of this other Ukraine is Russian and its “capital” is Do-netsk. Taking on board this narra-tive simply means equating one’s region of residence, political views, and preferred language.