943 resultados para Vienna. Bürgerliches zeughaus.
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The purpose of this paper is to analyse the economic basis of mass support for, and opposition to the European Community. In other words the main question is: to what extent, and in what ways, is popular support or opposition to the EC dependent upon economic circumstances and considerations? Behind this research question lies the matter of the legitimacy of the EC in the eyes of citizens across Europe. In some respects the results of this study are frustrating and inconclusive. In other respects, however, the results suggest some clear generalizations and conclusions. First, we have found rather little evidence that the EC or European unification are evaluated in primarily economic terms. Secondly, support seems to be associated more strongly with social and attitudinal variables of a non-economic kind. Thirdly, the figures suggest that diffuse and somewhat idealistic reasons for supporting unification and EC membership tend to outweigh more specific reasons. Fourthly, a solid foundation of inertia, custom, and national tradition seem to maintain support and make it grow.
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Nationalism remains central to politics in and among the new nation-states. Far from »solving« the region's national question, the most recent reconfiguration of political space – the replacement of the Soviet Union, Yugoslavia, and Czechoslovakia by some twenty would-be nation-states – only recast it in a new form. It is this new phase and form of the national question that I explore in this paper. I begin by outlining a particular relational configuration – the triadic relational nexus between national minorities, nationalizing states, and external national homelands – that is central to the national question in post-Soviet Eurasia. In the second, and most substantial, section of the paper, I argue that each of the »elements« in this relational nexus – minority, nationalizing state, and homeland – should itself be understood in dynamic and relational terms, not as a fixed, given, or analytically irreducible entity but as a field of differentiated positions and an arena of struggles among competing »stances.« In a brief concluding section, I return to the relational nexus as a whole, underscoring the dynamically interactive quality of the triadic interplay.
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This paper analysis the 1994 EU referenda in Austria, Finland, Sweden and Norway in a comparative perspective. It shows that the results were, to some extent at least, related to how pronounced the respective elite consensus was on the necessity or desirability of EU membership. It also shows that in all cases the main motivation of the Yes voters was economic. The paper goes on to analyse the regional and social variations in voting patterns. In the concluding chapter some of the medium- and longterm effects of the referenda debates and results on Austrian, Finnish and Swedish government policy within the EU are outlined.
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The five permanent members of the UN Security Council (the USA, the United Kingdom, China, France and Russia) plus Germany and the European Union signed a deal with Iran on 14 July in Vienna (a Plan of Action with five appendices, henceforth referred to as the Vienna Agreement). Under this agreement, Iran undertook to restrict its nuclear programme and to bring it under international scrutiny for 15 years in exchange for a gradual lifting of international sanctions (both those imposed between 2006 and 2010 by the UN Security Council and the unilateral US and EU sanctions). Even though Russia has officially reacted positively to this deal, the consequences it will have are rather ambiguous from Moscow’s point of view. Iran looks set to become stronger and will possibly normalise its relations with the West, and especially the United States. This, in political terms, is a disadvantage for Russia. The Kremlin’s ability to use its policy towards Iran as a bargaining chip in contacts with Washington will be reduced significantly. In turn, the benefits will include improving the perception of Russia in the West and the opening up of new opportunities for the geopolitical game in the region, both with Iran and its opponents in the Arab world. Similarly, in economic terms, the possible lifting of sanctions will offer Russia new opportunities to achieve immediate benefits owing to co-operation in the nuclear and military-technical areas. In the short term, the lifting of sanctions will not pose any threat to Russia’s position on the global energy markets. However, in the long term, the end of Iran’s international isolation may bring negative consequences for Russia, such as the dominant position of Western and/or Chinese companies in the Iranian upstream sector, rising exports of Iranian oil and gas to EU and Asian markets (which are essential for Russia) and the downward pressure on oil and gas prices.
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Founded in 1963 by two prominent Austrians living in exile – the sociologist Paul F. Lazarsfeld and the economist Oskar Morgenstern – with the financial support from the Ford Foundation, the Austrian Federal Ministry of Education, and the City of Vienna, the Institute for Advanced Studies (IHS) is the first institution for postgraduate education and research in economics and the social sciences in Austria. The Political Science Series presents research done at the Department of Political Science and aims to share “work in progress” before formal publication. It includes papers by the Department’s teaching and research staff, visiting professors, graduate students, visiting fellows, and invited participants in seminars, workshops, and conferences. As usual, authors bear full responsibility for the content of their contributions.
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Este artículo se centra en las paradojas del proceso de independencia argentina. Cuando el mencionado país decretó su separación definitiva del Imperio Español en 1816, declaró el sistema republicano de gobierno a pesar de estar gestionando al mismo tiempo la alternativa monárquica. Esto fue claramente puesto en evidencia durante las sesiones del Congreso de Tucumán, donde se declaró formalmente la independencia, cuando Manuel Belgrano presentó un proyecto de monarquía bajo el reinado de un descendiente inca. Hasta qué punto estos proyectos monárquicos se debieron al contexto europeo pos-napoleónico, y ala turbulenta situación política interna, es lo que se busca explicar en este trabajo
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To investigate the use of benthic foraminifera as a means to document ancient methane release, we determined the stable isotopic composition of tests of live (Rose Bengal stained) and dead specimens of epibenthic Fontbotia wuellerstorfi, preferentially used in paleoceanographic reconstructions, and of endobenthic high-latitude Cassidulina neoteretis and Cassidulina reniforme from a cold methane-venting seep off northern Norway. We collected foraminiferal tests from three push cores and nine multiple cores obtained with a remotely operated vehicle and a video-guided multiple corer, respectively. All sampled sites except one control site are situated at the Håkon Mosby mud volcano (HMMV) on the Barents Sea continental slope in 1250 m water depth. At the HMMV in areas densely populated by pogonophoran tube worms, d13C values of cytoplasm-containing epibenthic F. wuellerstorfi are by up to 4.4 per mil lower than at control site, thus representing the lowest values hitherto reported for this species. Live C. neoteretis and C. reniforme reach d13C values of -7.5 and -5.5 per mil Vienna Pee Dee Belemnite (VPDB), respectively, whereas d13C values of their empty tests are higher by 4 per mil and 3 per mil. However, d13C values of empty tests are never lower than those of stained specimens, although they are still lower than empty tests from the control site. This indicates that authigenic calcite precipitates at or below the sediment surface are not significantly influencing the stable isotopic composition of foraminiferal shells. The comparatively high d13C results rather from upward convection of pore water and fluid mud during active methane venting phases at these sites. These processes mingle tests just recently calcified with older ones secreted at intermittent times of less or no methane discharge. Since cytoplasm-containing specimens of suspension feeder F. wuellerstorfi are almost exclusively found attached to pogonophores, which protrude up to 3 cm above the sediment, and d13C values of bottom-water-dissolved inorganic carbon (DIC) are not significantly depleted, we conclude that low test d13C values of F. wuellerstorfi are the result of incorporation of heavily 13C-depleted methanotrophic biomass that these specimens feed on rather than because of low bottom water d13CDIC. Alternatively, the pogonophores, which are rooted at depth in the upper sediment column, may serve as a conduit for depleted d13CDIC that ultimately influences the calcification process of F. wuellerstorfi attached to the pogonophoran tube well above the sediment/water interface. The lowest d13C of live specimens of the endobenthic C. neoteretis and C. reniforme are within the range of pore water d13CDIC values, which exceed those that could be due to organic matter decomposition, and thus, in fact, document active methane release in the sediment.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Federal Highway Administration, Office of Safety and Traffic Operations Research and Development, McLean, Va.
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Federal Highway Administration, Office of Implementation, Washington, D.C.
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Written on the occasion of the second centennial of the liberation of Vienna by Sobieski.
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On Cover: Vocal score with English and German words.
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National Highway Traffic Safety Administration, Traffic Safety Programs, Washington, D.C.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Title from spine.