Factors Affecting Women Leaders in the Denver Group of the Colorado Mountain Club

A study of women leaders in the Colorado Mountain Club (CMC) demonstrated that this group perceived pace as an impediment to leadership growth. This study is an exploratory-quantitative inquiry that assessed the views of 20 of the active women hike leaders in the Denver group. The author designed a survey of factors women hike leaders would rate according to their CMC experiences. Although there are more women members of the Denver group, women leaders comprise only 30% of the leadership group The results from this first ever survey of CMC's women leaders provides a knowledge base for CMC and other interested parties. This study clearly demonstrated the need for more research into its topic of women in leadership positions.

Anniversary of the Hasty Pudding Club, August 31, 1796

This manuscript seems to be a transcript of a speech given by White at a celebration of the Hasty Pudding Club's anniversary.

Transactions of the Edinburgh Naturalists' Field Club.

vol.1 (1881-86)

Records of the Debating Club of Resident Graduates, 1792-1793

This journal contains minutes from meetings held from February 1792 through October 1793. These minutes include the names of participants and the questions and arguments which were debated, including: whether or not French slaves in the West Indies should be emancipated; whether or not reading novels was beneficial; whether sermons were more effective when memorized than when simply read; whether theater contributed to corrupt morals; whether drunkenness or gambling was more detrimental to society; and whether or not French assistance to the colonies in their Revolutionary War provided sufficient cause for the United States to join with France in its own wars. Most of the topics of debate centered on religion, government and education. Several entries also include notes on related topics of discussion, including the reasons for Native American tribes' hostilities against federal authorities, and there are several references to published works which were cited and consulted in the course of debate.

2002 Parliamentary elections in Ukraine: Events, results and consequences; Ukraine's Parliamentary system after the elections. OSW Study 8/2003

2002 elections: On 31 March 2002, parliamentary elections were held in Ukraine. As expected, they were a major success for the centrist-rightist coalition focused around former Prime Minister Viktor Yuschenko. The communists emerged significantly weaker from the vote, and the "party of power" achieved a poor result. Yet, due to the mixed electoral law (half of the deputies were elected in single-mandate districts), the latter block, firmly supported by President Leonid Kuchma, resulted as the main force in Parliament. The results of particular parties and blocks were as follows: Viktor Yuschenko's Block received 23.57% of votes and 112 seats, the Communist Party of Ukraine - 19.98% of votes and 66 seats, the "For One Ukraine" block - 11.77% of votes and 101 seats, Yulia Tymoshenko's Block - 7.26% of votes and 22 seats, the Socialist Party of Ukraine - 6.87% of votes and 22 seats, and the Social Democratic Party of Ukraine (united) - 6.27% of votes and 24 seats. This shows how the mixed electoral regulations favour "For One Ukraine" and act against Yuschenko's block. One should note, however, that the latter gained the support of less than one quarter of voters. After the election: The dominant force in Ukraine's Verkhovna Rada, elected in March 2002, are the deputies of "One Ukraine", a fraction of the pro-presidential centre. "One Ukraine" has refused to admit any of the opposition's representatives (either from the right or left wings) into the parliament's presidium, but has accepted opposition-appointed heads of many parliamentary commissions. Viktor Yuschenko's "Our Ukraine", which has been the largest parliamentary fraction since June, attempted to proclaim itself the centre of the parliamentary majority, but its policy was awkward and inconsistent, and the main success of this club was that it didn't break up. Viktor Yuschenko's moves have been particularly incoherent and they undermined the image of Yuschenko as Ukraine's future leader, created throughout the course of the electoral campaign. In autumn, the main oligarchic groups and their representative fractions ("One Ukraine", which proved to be a useless instrument, was dissolved in June), reached a compromise with the president. It was agreed that the new prime minister should be a Donetsk clan representative (Viktor Yanukovych), and that the Dnipropetrovsk clan should appoint the president of the National Bank of Ukraine (this position went to Serhij Tihipko). The Kyiv clan obtained the President's Administration (Viktor Medvedchuk was appointed in spring) and a considerable number of parliamentary commissions. The president's interests in the government are to be protected by Mykola Azarov, former Head of the State Tax Administration. This compromise "package" was designed to secure the shares of the main oligarchic clans in the power and the president's strong position as mediator.