783 resultados para Ready-to-eat (RTE)
Resumo:
Action selection and organization are very complex processes that need to exploit contextual information and the retrieval of previously memorized information, as well as the integration of these different types of data. On the basis of anatomical connection with premotor and parietal areas involved in action goal coding, and on the data about the literature it seems appropriate to suppose that one of the most candidate involved in the selection of neuronal pools for the selection and organization of intentional actions is the prefrontal cortex. We recorded single ventrolateral prefrontal (VLPF) neurons activity while monkeys performed simple and complex manipulative actions aimed at distinct final goals, by employing a modified and more strictly controlled version of the grasp-to-eat(a food pellet)/grasp-to-place(an object) paradigm used in previous studies on parietal (Fogassi et al., 2005) and premotor neurons (Bonini et al., 2010). With this task we have been able both to evaluate the processing and integration of distinct (visual and auditory) contextual sequentially presented information in order to select the forthcoming action to perform and to examine the possible presence of goal-related activity in this portion of cortex. Moreover, we performed an observation task to clarify the possible contribution of VLPF neurons to the understanding of others’ goal-directed actions. Simple Visuo Motor Task (sVMT). We found four main types of neurons: unimodal sensory-driven, motor-related, unimodal sensory-and-motor, and multisensory neurons. We found a substantial number of VLPF neurons showing both a motor-related discharge and a visual presentation response (sensory-and-motor neurons), with remarkable visuo-motor congruence for the preferred target. Interestingly the discharge of multisensory neurons reflected a behavioural decision independently from the sensory modality of the stimulus allowing the monkey to make it: some encoded a decision to act/refraining from acting (the majority), while others specified one among the four behavioural alternatives. Complex Visuo Motor Task (cVMT). The cVMT was similar to the sVMT, but included a further grasping motor act (grasping a lid in order to remove it, before grasping the target) and was run in two modalities: randomized and in blocks. Substantially, motor-related and sensory-and-motor neurons tested in the cVMTrandomized were activated already during the first grasping motor act, but the selectivity for one of the two graspable targets emerged only during the execution of the second grasping. In contrast, when the cVMT was run in block, almost all these neurons not only discharged during the first grasping motor act, but also displayed the same target selectivity showed in correspondence of the hand contact with the target. Observation Task (OT). A great part of the neurons active during the OT showed a firing rate modulation in correspondence with the action performed by the experimenter. Among them, we found neurons significantly activated during the observation of the experimenter’s action (action observation-related neurons) and neurons responding not only to the action observation, but also to the presented cue stimuli (sensory-and-action observation-related neurons. Among the neurons of the first set, almost the half displayed a target selectivity, with a not clear difference between the two presented targets; Concerning to the second neuronal set, sensory-and-action related neurons, we found a low target selectivity and a not strictly congruence between the selectivity exhibited in the visual response and in the action observation.
Resumo:
Introdução No contexto da valorização crescente do teste anti-HIV como estratégia de prevenção programática, a promoção do teste anti-HIV como estratégia de prevenção entre homens que fazem sexo com homens (HSH) é fundamental. Objetivo - Analisar os fatores associados tanto ao uso rotineiro como episódico do teste anti-HIV. Métodos - Os participantes foram 946 HSH entrevistados pelo Projeto SampaCentro em locais de sociabilidade HSH da região central de São Paulo entre novembro de 2011 e janeiro de 2012, nunca testados ou que procuraram o teste espontaneamente. A metodologia de amostragem foi a time-space-sampling e foram utilizados protocolos do Stata 12.0 para análise de amostras complexas. Os homens que se testaram por rotina ou episodicamente foram comparados aos nunca testados. As variáveis analisadas nos dois modelos de regressão de Poisson foram divididas em três níveis: características sociodemográficas (primeiro nível); socialização na comunidade gay e exposição da orientação sexual, discriminação e opiniões e atitudes em relação ao HIV/Aids e ao teste (segundo nível); percepção de risco, estratégias de prevenção e práticas e parcerias sexuais (terceiro nível). Resultados Os homens que se testaram rotineiramente eram mais velhos e moradores no Centro de SP. Além disso, tinham exposto a orientação sexual para profissional de saúde, sido discriminados em serviços de saúde mas não por amigos e/ou vizinhos (em razão da sexualidade) e não mencionaram medo do resultado do teste como motivo para HSH não se testarem. Também tinham maior probabilidade de conhecer pessoa soropositiva e de ter parcerias estáveis sem sexo anal desprotegido nas casuais (comparado a ter apenas parcerias casuais protegidas). Os homens que se testaram episodicamente eram mais velhos, residentes do Centro de SP, não moravam com parentes, expuseram sua orientação sexual para profissional de saúde, não reportaram medo do resultado do teste como barreira, conheciam pessoa soropositiva e mencionaram parceria estável sem sexo desprotegido com parceiro casual ou então sexo desprotegido em parcerias casuais (comparado a ter apenas parcerias casuais protegidas). Conclusões Os mais jovens, os que moram fora do centro de São Paulo, e os que expões menos sua orientação sexual são os segmentos que menos se testam rotineira ou episodicamente. Assim, dependem de ações para que seu direito seja protegido e assegurado. A estigmatização e a discriminação da homossexualidade deve ser combatida para que não impeça o acesso ao teste e a outros serviços de saúde. Disseminar informações e socializar os mais jovens para o diálogo sobre as estratégias de prevenção biomédicas e estratégias comunitárias de prevenção é necessário. Para ampliar o acesso e qualidade da testagem como recurso fundamental de programas de prevenção permanece o desafio de sustentar o debate sobre sexualidade e prevenção a cada geração, assim como nos programas de formação de educadores e de profissionais de saúde de todas as áreas.
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Unlike other dung beetles, the Iberian geotrupid Thorectes lusitanicus exhibits polyphagous behavior; for example, it is able to eat acorns, fungi, fruits, and carrion in addition to the dung of different mammals. This adaptation to digest a wider diet has physiological and developmental advantages and requires key changes in the composition and diversity of the beetle's gut microbiota. In this study, we isolated aerobic, facultative anaerobic, and aerotolerant microbiota amenable to grow in culture from the gut contents of T. lusitanicus and resolved isolate identity to the species level by sequencing 16S rRNA gene fragments. Using BLAST similarity searches and maximum likelihood phylogenetic analyses, we were able to reveal that the analyzed fraction (culturable, aerobic, facultative anaerobic, and aerotolerant) of beetle gut microbiota is dominated by the phyla Proteobacteria, Firmicutes and Actinobacteria. Among Proteobacteria, members of the order Enterobacteriales (Gammaproteobacteria) were the most abundant. The main functions associated with the bacteria found in the gut of T. lusitanicus would likely include nitrogen fixation, denitrification, detoxification, and diverse defensive roles against pathogens.
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Se realiza un análisis descriptivo de las técnicas de marketing utilizadas por las empresas de franquicia españolas y las extranjeras operativas en España. El objetivo es describir y analizar los recursos de comunicación utilizados por este tipo de empresas para proveer de información a sus tres principales públicos objetivos: las unidades operativas con que cuenta la cadena (franquiciados), los inversores dispuestos a abrir nuevas unidades (posibles franquiciados) y los clientes finales de la empresa. Se analiza la pertinencia de tales recursos desde la propia perspectiva de los empresarios franquiciadores. Los resultados apuntan a un alto uso de los medios disponibles, y en las conclusiones se plantea su interrelación desde la nueva teoría estratégica de comunicación.
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We establish experimentally and through simulations the economic and technical viability of dehydrating ethanol by means of azeotropic distillation, using a hydrocarbon as entrainer. The purpose of this is to manufacture a ready-to-use ethanol–hydrocarbon fuel blend. In order to demonstrate the feasibility of this proposition, we have tested an azeotropic water–ethanol feed mixture, using a hydrocarbon as entrainer, in a semi pilot-plant scale distillation column. Four different hydrocarbons (hexane, cyclohexane, isooctane, and toluene) that are representative of the hydrocarbons present in ordinary gasoline have been tested. Each of these hydrocarbons was tested separately in experiments under conditions of constant feed rate and variable reboiler heat duty. The experimentally obtained results are compared with results calculated by a simulator. Finally, the proposed and traditional ethanol dehydration processes are compared to ascertain the advantages of the former over the latter.
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Las agencias de medios constituyen uno de los sectores publicitarios en el que la aplicación de big data proporciona soluciones innovadoras que debieran ser comunicadas a través, entre otros canales, de sus webs corporativas. Con el propósito de facilitar tal comunicación, las webs deben estar preparadas para ser consultadas por varios dispositivos. Así, este estudio pretende averiguar su uso para comunicar innovaciones relacionadas con big data, cuidando el responsive design, de las 20 primeras agencias de medios españolas, y reflexiona sobre las debilidades, amenazas, fortalezas y oportunidades de tal innovación.
Resumo:
Irrespective of the euro crisis, a European banking union makes sense, including for non-euro area countries, because of the extent of European Union financial integration. The Single Supervisory Mechanism (SSM) is the first element of the banking union. From the point of view of non-euro countries, the draft SSM regulation as amended by the EU Council includes strong safeguards relating to decision-making, accountability, attention to financial stability in small countries and the applicability of national macro-prudential measures. Non-euro countries will also have the right to leave the SSM and thereby exempt themselves from a supervisory decision. The SSM by itself cannot bring the full benefits of the banking union, but would foster financial integration, improve the supervision of cross-border banks, ensure greater consistency of supervisory practices, increase the quality of supervision,avoid competitive distortions and provide ample supervisory information. While the decision to join the SSM is made difficult by the uncertainty about other elements of the banking union, including the possible burden sharing, we conclude that non-euro EU members should stand ready to join the SSM and be prepared for the negotiations of the other elements of the banking union.
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This CEPS Commentary notes that this is a critical time for the EU’s enlargement agenda with competing interests at play – between those who suggest that further enlargement is a heavy burden that the EU can ill afford in the current economic climate, and others who continue to believe that extending the frontiers of peace and security to include the Balkan countries will make the EU a safer place. To counter the naysayers, Erwan Fouéré underlines the importance for the EU to show that its current strategy continues to deliver dividends, as it certainly does in the case of Kosovo and Serbia. He further advises the EU to be ready to adapt its strategy where necessary, as in the case of Macedonia, by using whatever leverage it has in a more direct and consistent way and ensuring that its policy objectives and strategy in this area are based on the progress assessment narrative and not the other way around. In his view, opening accession negotiations with Macedonia will be the only way to prevent the country from sinking into further political instability.
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The year 2010 will be remembered in the European Union (EU) circles of governmental Spain as a crucial milestone regarding the role of the country in one of the most important alliances of world history. During the first semester, from January to June 2010, Spain had previously been scheduled to hold the rotating presidency as done since the times of the inception of the predecessor of the EU, the European Economic Community (EEC). Furthermore, on June 12, Spain would be ready to celebrate the 25th anniversary of its adhesion (along with Portugal) to the European integration experiment, by signing the treaty, effectively acceding to the European Community (EC) on January 1, 1986. While all of this was set to occur, the new Reform Treaty (“of Lisbon”) was set to be implemented as a substitute for the failed constitutional text floated during the first years of the new century. Moreover, these spectacular events unraveled in the middle of one of the worst economic crises of the world, with considerable impact on the evolution of the EU and, most especially, Spain. This paper will review the background, context and impact of particular novel aspects of the new treaty governing the EU and several milestones regarding the experience of Spain in the European process.
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This background brief looks into the new research and innovation strategy introduced by the European Union embodied in the Horizon 2020 funding programme. It focuses on the prospect for international collaboration in Horizon 2020, and presents a roadmap for both European institutions and those from key third countries to get ready for the opportunities provided by this funding instrument to embark on interesting research and innovation. The brief begins by outlining the efforts by the EU to address issues of economic competitiveness with a new growth strategy Europe 2020 in response to the enormous challenges faced by Europe in the midst of the debt crisis. It looks at the introduction of the Innovation Union as a Europe 2020 initiative, and explains how the new financial instrument, Horizon 2020, may be used to support the primary goals of more jobs, improved lives, better society and the global competitiveness of Europe. The brief also outlines the major differences of Horizon 2020 from the previous framework programmes, and recommends close collaboration between the European and the key third countries. The brief also proposes general and priority‐specific strategies for national research councils, universities and research institution to get ready to participate in the Horizon 2020 programme.
Resumo:
Despite a broader agenda, the June 2014 European Council was dominated by the decision of EU leaders – taken by qualified majority – to propose to the European Parliament Jean-Claude Juncker as the next Commission President. In this post-summit analysis Janis A. Emmanouilidis argues that recent developments could have four consequences: increasing politicisation at European level; opposition from the side of national governments to what they consider to be an unjustifiable shift of power; further complication, maybe even deterioration of the relationship between London and ‘Brussels; and ‘consolidation’ as the predominant political attitude in the beginning of a new political cycle. Aside from all this, the Summit adopted a Strategic Agenda for the years to come, agreed to new strategic guidelines for the Area of Freedom, Security and Justice, postponed the decision on a new energy and climate framework to October, concluded the fourth European Semester with the adoption of country-specific recommendations, and, last but not least, EU leaders finally signed the Association Agreements with Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine demonstrating that the Union and these countries are ready to deepen political and economic ties.
Resumo:
On several occasions since 2001 Vladimir Putin has raised the concept of ‘Greater Europe’, a partly-integrated common space comprising mainly Russia and the European Union. This concept has never been recast into a detailed political programme. While it has been championed as‘a Europe without dividing lines’, the concept would in practice permanently split Europe into two geopolitical blocs – the Western bloc of the European Union, with Germany in the dominant role, and the Eastern bloc, consisting of the emerging Eurasian Union, with Russia in a hegemonic position. In recent years Russia has undertaken a number of initiatives aimed at implementing some elements of the concept. However, most of these have failed to become reality. In this context, we should expect Russia’s policy to focus on implementing its priority project of Eurasian integration, based on the structures of the Customs Union/the Eurasian Union. The Greater Europe project, on the other hand, will be postponed until the time when, as Moscow believes, a weakened EU will be ready to accept Russian proposals.
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Gazprom is determined to continue its efforts to build the South Stream gas pipeline regardless of the slump on the European gas market and the fact that there is sufficient capacity already in the existing transport infrastructure. The official inauguration of the maritime section of South Stream was held on 7 December this year, but the construction itself will commence in 2014. The agreements concluded so far, both intergovernmental and between corporations, are necessary for the launch of the construction of the new pipeline, but still do not guarantee that the project will be completed on time. First of all, some legal problems have yet to be resolved, such as the evaluation of the compliance of the planned actions with the ‘third energy package’ or the fact that ecological surveys required under European law need to be carried out. Secondly, given the present situation on the European gas market and medium-term forecasts, the high cost of implementation of this project and the maintenance expenses of existing pipelines – which are not being used to full capacity – the new project seems to be unfeasible. However, Gazprom’s determination in its efforts to build the pipeline proves that Russia is ready to take a high economic risk to maintain its dominant position on the European gas supply market; it will restrict the possibilities of alternative infrastructural projects being implemented (above all, the EU’s Southern Corridor) and use the construction of new pipelines as an instrument of political pressure on the present transit countries (especially Ukraine).
Resumo:
The policy of rapprochement with Russia that President Victor Yanukovych and his entourage had been actively promoting in the first months of his presidency has slowed down notably. One of the reasons for this lowered pace is that current talks between Russia and Ukraine concern the spheres in which Kyiv is not ready to make concessions to Russia. Despite numerous top-level meetings, recent months have failed to bring a breakthrough in energy issues of key importance. First of all, no compromise was reached in gas issues where the divergence of interests is particularly large and where Ukraine has adopted a tough stance to negotiate the best conditions possible. Even though some agreements were signed during the October session of the inter-governmental committee presided over by the prime ministers (the agreement on linking the two states’ aircraft production and on the joint construction of a nuclear fuel production plant), these resulted from prior agreements. Economic negotiations will continue in the coming months but the observed deadlock is not likely to be broken any time soon. The results of these talks are likely to reflect the interests of both Russia and Ukraine, as well as the competition among Ukrainian business groups, some of which opt for closer cooperation with their Eastern neighbour. Ukraine’s consent to send oil to Belarus along the Odessa-Brody pipeline shows that the government in Kyiv is ready to engage in projects they consider profitable, even those that run counter to Russian interests. Ukraine’s adoption of this stance may trigger irritation in Moscow and lead to a cooling in bilateral relations.
Resumo:
Measures undertaken by the Belarusian government in the areas of the economy, internal affairs and foreign policy in recent months have proven increasingly ineffective. Despite the deteriorating macroeconomic situation, Minsk is not implementing the reforms necessary to combat the crisis and its activity is limited only to feigned actions and administrative regulations. As a result, the economic situation is worsening but the chances of obtaining external loans as support, for example from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), are decreasing. At the same time there is mounting fear among the regime of social unrest, therefore by raising salaries of the least well-off groups of citizens it is trying to compensate for the increased costs of living. On the other hand, the government is extending the scope of control over society and competences of enforcement bodies. Belarus’s room for manoeuvre in foreign policy has also been diminishing substantially. Despite the EU’s declared willingness to reach an agreement and its encouragement, Lukashenko is not ready to make concessions in the political sphere (e.g. to rehabilitate political prisoners), and this is hindering the normalisation of relations with the West. Minsk furthermore feels a mounting pressure from Moscow, making the Belarusian negotiating position ever weaker. The lack of freedom of manoeuvre in foreign policy, no possibility to maintain a costly economic model and the lack of support from the majority of society all prove that Alexander Lukashenko’s regime is in severe crisis. The system he established is no longer able to respond to current threats with adequate and effective strategies. This situation is challenging the regime’s stability and calls into question its viability in the longer term.