946 resultados para Labor unions - Stevedores - History - Victoria


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The Medical Board of Victoria (Board) was created in 1844 to register “legally qualified medical practitioners”. It was not until 1933, however, that the Board attained the power to remove from its register a doctor who had engaged in “infamous conduct in a professional respect” (the power), even though the General Council of Medical Education and Registration of the United Kingdom on which the Board was modelled had been granted the power 75 years earlier. This article argues that the delay in the Board’s inheritance was attributable to successive Victorian Parliaments’ distrust of the Board and that this attitude was unwarranted, at least from early in the 20th century. The article maintains that the granting of the power to the Board was a crucial event in the history of the regulation of the Victorian medical profession. This is illustrated both by the difficulty encountered by the medical profession in dealing with doctors’ unethical conduct before 1933, and the Board’s concern to use its new authority responsibly and appropriately to protect the public and the profession in the three years after it attained the power.

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Victoria Nourse has observed that political debates about crime legislation are predictable and invariably one-sided because ‘no-one is “for” crime.’1 This certainly appears to be the case with regard to recent proposed changes to the Bail Act 1977 (‘the Act’) by the government of Victoria. The reforms were triggered by the case of Sean Price, an offender with a history of mental disorder, serious offending and lengthy incarceration who was on bail and subject to a supervision order when he murdered Masa Vukotic, raped another woman and assaulted a third person in March 2015. The Premier of Victoria, Daniel Andrews, stated that a bail system that allowed Price to be free and unmonitored was failing the community and pledged to repair ‘a system that is broken.’

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Brazil’s experience shows that the economic and political history of a country is a critical determinant of which labor laws influence wages and employment, and which are not binding. Long periods of high inflation, illiteracy of the workforce, and biases in the design and enforcement of labor legislation bred by the country’s socioeconomic history are all important in determining the reach of labor laws. Defying conventional wisdom, these factors are shown to affect labor market outcomes even in the sector of employment regarded as unregulated. Following accepted practice in Brazil, we distinguish regulated from unregulated employment by determining whether or not the contract has been ratified by the Ministry of Labor, viz., groups of workers with and without signed work booklet. We then examine the degree of adherence to labor laws in the formal and informal sectors, and finds “pressure points” – viz., evidence of the law on minimum wage, work-hours, and payment timing being binding on outcomes – in both the formal and informal sectors of the Brazilian labor market. The findings of the paper imply that in terms of the design of legislation, informality in Brazil is mainly a fiscal, and not a legal phenomenon. But the manner in which these laws have been enforced is also critical determinant of informality in Brazil: poor record-keeping has strengthened the incentives to stay informal that are already built into the design of the main social security programs, and ambiguities in the design of labor legislation combined with slanted enforcement by labor courts have led to workers effectively being accorded the same labor rights whether or not they have ratified contracts. The incentives to stay informal are naturally higher for workers who are assured of protection under labor legislation regardless of the nature of their contract, which only alters their financial relationship with the government. The paper concludes that informality in Brazil will remain high as long as labor laws remain ambiguous and enforced with a clear pro-labor bias, and social security programs lack tight benefitcontribution linkages and strong enforcement mechanisms.

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The objectives of this article are to provide a short history of dentistry and dental education in Brazil and to analyze the nature of its development to date. The databases consulted are those provided by the Brazilian Federal Council of Dentistry, Brazilian Ministry of Health, Brazilian Ministry of Education, National Institute of Studies and Educational Research Anisio Teixeira, and Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics. Formal dental education in Brazil started in the late nineteenth century with the creation of courses annexed to existing schools of medicine in Rio de Janeiro and Bahia. Today, there are 191 institutions of higher education nationwide granting degrees in dentistry (137 private [71.7 percent] and fifty-four public [28.3 percent]), with a total of 17,157 student positions offered annually. These schools graduate around 10,000 professionals per year-one of the highest rates in the world. Both the distribution of schools of dentistry and of dentists varies among the regions of the country, with the greatest concentrations in major metropolitan centers with high population density, resulting in limited coverage in the more deprived regions. A review of epidemiological data for oral health and distribution of dentists in Brazil indicates that there is a lack of systematic planning for the allocation of the dental workforce and a lack of consideration of regional needs in the development of dental training programs in Brazil today.

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Pós-graduação em Geografia - FCT

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The Copper County Strike of 1913 was heroic, tragic, and large in meaning, both for those who lived in it and for those haunted by it in the years that followed. Carl Ross was born in Hancock only hours before the strike erupted. His father was a printer for Työmies. I had the good fortune to meet Carl and work with him for some twenty years. Carl spoke often of the strike—of what it meant for him, his family, and the radical Finnish community in Superior, Wisconsin, where he grew up. I had never heard of the Copper Country strike before I met Carl, but what I heard about that strike resonated with some of my own experiences. I grew up in New Castle, Indiana, a town that left-wing journalist I.F. Stone called a “labor citadel” in the midst of hostile territory. I want to use these two recollections, Carl’s 1913 Strike reminiscences and my memories of New Castle, to talk about how some strikes carry a moral vision of enormous importance. The presentation will have three parts. In the first part I will relate a little of what Carl had to say about the Copper Country Strike. In the second part I will talk about strikes of my own experience. In the final part, I will talk about the differences in the structures of labor movements and the ethical implications of those differences.

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Rooted in critical scholarship this dissertation is an interdisciplinary study, which contends that having a history is a basic human right. Advocating a newly conceived and termed, Solidarity-inspired History framework/practice perspective, the dissertation argues for and then delivers a restorative voice to working-class historical actors during the 1916 Minnesota Iron Ore Strike. Utilizing an interdisciplinary methodological framework the dissertation combines research methods from the Humanities and the Social Sciences to form a working-class history that is a corrective to standardized studies of labor in the late 19th and early 20th centuries. Oftentimes class interests and power relationships determine the dominant perspectives or voices established in history and disregard people and organizations that run counter to, or in the face of, customary or traditional American themes of patriotism, the Protestant work ethic, adherence to capitalist dogma, or United States exceptionalism. This dissertation counteracts these traditional narratives with a unique, perhaps even revolutionary, examination of the 1916 Minnesota Iron Ore Strike. The intention of this dissertation's critical perspective is to poke, prod, and prompt academics, historians, and the general public to rethink, and then think again, about the place of those who have been dislocated from or altogether forgotten, misplaced, or underrepresented in the historical record. Thus, the purpose of the dissertation is to give voice to historical actors in the dismembered past. Historical actors who have run counter to traditional American narratives often have their body of "evidence" disjointed or completely dislocated from the story of our nation. This type of disremembering creates an artificial recollection of our collective past, which de-articulates past struggles from contemporary groups seeking solidarity and social justice in the present. Class-conscious actors, immigrants, women, the GLBTQ community, and people of color have the right to be remembered on their own terms using primary sources and resources they produced. Therefore, similar to the Wobblies industrial union and its rank-and-file, this dissertation seeks to fan the flames of discontented historical memory by offering a working-class perspective of the 1916 Strike that seeks to interpret the actions, events, people, and places of the strike anew, thus restoring the voices of these marginalized historical actors.

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Es war bisher unbekannt, dass die deutschsprachige Musikhistoriographie dem Komponisten Tomás Luis de Victoria relativ viel Beachtung geschenkt hat. Als iberischer Counterpart des Heroen Palestrina spielt er bei der Gestaltung eines Geschichtsbildes der musikalischen Renaissance daher eine viel wichtigere Rolle als bisher vermutet. Die Auseinandersetzung deutscher Musikwissenschaftler mit Victoria spielte eine zentrale Rolle bei der Würdigung des Komponisten durch die spanische Historiographie.

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This overview examines available circum-Antarctic glacial history archives on land, related to developments after the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). It considers the glacial-stratigraphic and morphologic records and also biostratigraphical information from moss banks, lake sediments and penguin rookeries, with some reference to relevant glacial marine records. It is concluded that Holocene environmental development in Antarctica differed from that in the Northern Hemisphere. The initial deglaciation of the shelf areas surrounding Antarctica took place before 10000 C-14 yrs before present(sp), and was controlled by rising global sea level. This was followed by the deglaciation of some presently ice-free inner shelf and land areas between 10000 and 8000 yr sp. Continued deglaciation occurred gradually between 8000 yr sp and 5000 yr sp. Mid-Holocene glacial readvances are recorded from various sites around Antarctica. There are strong indications of a circum-Antarctic climate warmer than today 4700-2000 yr sp. The best dated records from the Antarctic Peninsula and coastal Victoria Land suggest climatic optimums there from 4000-3000 yr sp and 3600-2600 yr sp, respectively. Thereafter Neoglacial readvances are recorded. Relatively limited glacial expansions in Antarctica during the past few hundred years correlate with the Little Ice Age in the Northern Hemisphere.

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Themenheft der Zeitschrift Gesnerus

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Los teóricos de la literatura han propuesto una serie de conceptos específicos para estudiar la problematización del hecho literario. Unido a esto la noción de "espacio literario" aparece como búsqueda de la esencia de la literatura y de un campo donde se asiente la intimidad del yo. A partir de esta categoría y su asociación con el concepto de mentalidad, entendida como forma de pensar que se sucede a lo largo de la historia donde se plasman códigos de vida, en el presente trabajo se analizan dos ensayos sobre la problemática femenina y su inserción en el espacio intelectual de su época. El estudio de los ensayos de Delfina Bunge Las mujeres y su vocación y La mujer y su expresión de Victoria Ocampo pretende destacar la búsqueda de un espacio literario femenino propio centrando el interés particularmente en la problemática de la emancipación de la mujer. Los dos textos se articulan sobre algunos ejes temáticos comunes que permiten establecer coincidencias en el pensamiento de estas escritoras argentinas respecto de la maternidad, la educación y la igualdad respecto del varón.

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El presente trabajo aborda el caso de la Juventud Trabajadora Peronista en la empresa Propulsora Siderúrgica de la localidad de Ensenada en el período 1973-1976, constituyendo éste un período clave en la historia política argentina en tanto significó el retorno del peronismo al poder luego de dieciocho años de proscripción legal. Enmarcada en la extensa constelación de experiencias de la ?nueva izquierda? que irrumpe con fuerza en Argentina a partir de fines de los años sesenta, y específicamente en la amplia experiencia de las fuerzas peronistas revolucionarias dentro de ella, la Juventud Trabajadora Peronista aparece como un espacio político-sindical especialmente rico para el estudio y análisis en el campo de la historia reciente argentina y dentro de ella de las prácticas sindicales radicalizadas. Fundada en 1973, la JTP nace como frente de masas sindical de la organización armada Montoneros. Fundada en el contexto histórico, político y social de retorno de Perón al país y de crisis del gobierno peronista, ésta seráparte de la emergencia de particulares formas de vínculo social en el que se entrecruzan elementos ligados a la práctica de los militantes obreros, sus agrupaciones sindicales, el proceso de radicalización general del período y la singular participación de las organizaciones armadas peronistas. Contemplado el entrecruzamiento entre organizaciones armadas revolucionarias, organizaciones sindicales combativas y la radicalización de sectores de la clase trabajadora, nuestro trabajo enfatiza la capacidad política obrera para imponer condiciones al capital, al gobierno y a sectores burocráticos del sindicalismo. Es en estos tres frentes de combate en los que se verán inmersos los sectores radicalizados de la clase obrera argentina que buscamos poner en un primer plano a lo largo de esta investigación