Marginal/minority popular music : the concept of the "third space" and the case for "hybridities" of cultures/identities /

The topic of this thesis is marginaVminority popular music and the question of identity; the term "marginaVminority" specifically refers to members of racial and cultural minorities who are socially and politically marginalized. The thesis argument is that popular music produced by members of cultural and racial minorities establishes cultural identity and resists racist discourse. Three marginaVminority popular music artists and their songs have been chosen for analysis in support of the argument: Gil Scott-Heron's "Gun," Tracy Chapman's "Fast Car" and Robbie Robertson's "Sacrifice." The thesis will draw from two fields of study; popular music and postcolonialism. Within the area of popular music, Theodor Adorno's "Standardization" theory is the focus. Within the area of postcolonialism, this thesis concentrates on two specific topics; 1) Stuart Hall's and Homi Bhabha's overlapping perspectives that identity is a process of cultural signification, and 2) Homi Bhabha's concept of the "Third Space." For Bhabha (1995a), the Third Space defines cultures in the moment of their use, at the moment of their exchange. The idea of identities arising out of cultural struggle suggests that identity is a process as opposed to a fixed center, an enclosed totality. Cultures arise from historical memory and memory has no center. Historical memory is de-centered and thus cultures are also de-centered, they are not enclosed totalities. This is what Bhabha means by "hybridity" of culture - that cultures are not unitary totalities, they are ways of knowing and speaking about a reality that is in constant flux. In this regard, the language of "Otherness" depends on suppressing or marginalizing the productive capacity of culture in the act of enunciation. The Third Space represents a strategy of enunciation that disrupts, interrupts and dislocates the dominant discursive construction of US and THEM, (a construction explained by Hall's concept of binary oppositions, detailed in Chapter 2). Bhabha uses the term "enunciation" as a linguistic metaphor for how cultural differences are articulated through discourse and thus how differences are discursively produced. Like Hall, Bhabha views culture as a process of understanding and of signification because Bhabha sees traditional cultures' struggle against colonizing cultures as transforming them. Adorno's theory of Standardization will be understood as a theoretical position of Western authority. The thesis will argue that Adorno's theory rests on the assumption that there is an "essence" to music, an essence that Adorno rationalizes as structure/form. The thesis will demonstrate that constructing music as possessing an essence is connected to ideology and power and in this regard, Adorno's Standardization theory is a discourse of White Western power. It will be argued that "essentialism" is at the root of Western "rationalization" of music, and that the definition of what constitutes music is an extension of Western racist "discourses" of the Other. The methodological framework of the thesis entails a) applying semiotics to each of the three songs examined and b) also applying Bhabha's model of the Third Space to each of the songs. In this thesis, semiotics specifically refers to Stuart Hall's retheorized semiotics, which recognizes the dual function of semiotics in the analysis of marginal racial/cultural identities, i.e., simultaneously represent embedded racial/cultural stereotypes, and the marginal raciaVcultural first person voice that disavows and thus reinscribes stereotyped identities. (Here, and throughout this thesis, "first person voice" is used not to denote the voice of the songwriter, but rather the collective voice of a marginal racial/cultural group). This dual function fits with Hall's and Bhabha's idea that cultural identity emerges out of cultural antagonism, cultural struggle. Bhabha's Third Space is also applied to each of the songs to show that cultural "struggle" between colonizers and colonized produces cultural hybridities, musically expressed as fusions of styles/sounds. The purpose of combining semiotics and postcolonialism in the three songs to be analyzed is to show that marginal popular music, produced by members of cultural and racial minorities, establishes cultural identity and resists racist discourse by overwriting identities of racial/cultural stereotypes with identities shaped by the first person voice enunciated in the Third Space, to produce identities of cultural hybridities. Semiotic codes of embedded "Black" and "Indian" stereotypes in each song's musical and lyrical text will be read and shown to be overwritten by the semiotic codes of the first person voice, which are decoded with the aid of postcolonial concepts such as "ambivalence," "hybridity" and "enunciation."

Why are people liberal? : a motivated social cognition perspective

The present dissertation examined why people adopt or endorse certain political ideologies (i.e., liberal or conservative). According to a motivated social cognition perspective (Jost, Glaser, Kruglanski, & Sulloway, 2003a; Kruglanslideology, research examining political conservatism, and experimental research examining differences between liberals and conservatives, it was proposed that four social-cognitive needs (Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, Need for Change, and Avoidance of Decisional Commitment) would be associated with liberalism. Moreover, research suggests that the relations between the needs and liberalism might be moderated by political sophistication (e.g., Converse, 1964). University students (Study 1; n == 201) and community adults (Study 2; n == 197) completed questionnaires assessing political liberalism, political sophistication, and individual differences 're~ective of the four proposed needs. As predicted, correlation and hierarchical regression analyses in both Studies 1 and 2 indicated that political liberalism was related to Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, and Need for Change. 11 Avoidance of Decisional Commitment uniquely predicted political liberalism in Study 2; however, contrary to predictions, it was unrelated to political liberalism in Study 1. Furthermore, some of these relations were moderated by political sophistication, such that among individuals with a greater knowledge of politics, the relation between certain needs and liberalism was positive. To explore the role of situationally induced needs on political liberalism, each of the four proposed needs were manipulated in Study 3. Participants (n == 120) completed one of five scrambled-sentence tasks (one for each need condition and control condition), measures of explicit and implicit political liberalism, political sophistication, and state and trait measures indicative of the four proposed needs. The ~anipulation did not successfully prime participants with the needs. Therefore, a replication of the analyses from Studies 1 and 2 was conducted on the dispositional needs. Results showed that Need for Inclusiveness, Need for Understanding, and Need for Change were linked with greater explicit and implicit political liberalism. Study 4 examined the effect of manipulated Need for Inclusiveness on participants' endorsement ofpolitical liberalism, independent of conservatism. Participants (n == 43) were randomly assigned to a Need for Inclusiveness or control condition, and completed separate measures of political liberalism and conservatism, and political sophistication. Participants in the Need for Inclusiveness condition reported greater liberalism than those in a control condition; this effect was not moderated by political sophistication. Generally, the findings from this dissertation suggest that there might be other needs underlying political ideology, especially political liberalism. Thus, consistent with others' (Jost, Glaser et aI., 2003a), individuals might adopt political liberalism as a way of gratifying certain psychological needs. Implications and future research are discussed.

The green movement in Canada

The green movement has evolved over the last twenty years from various social, peace and ecology activist organizations into direct political participation in parliamentary institutions through the Green Party. Although there is no definable theory of green politics, the culmination of interacting social movements as well as feminist, decentralist and in many cases, left wing political ideology, has produced a specific kind of political direction for the Greens internationally. As a result of the increased a ttention and awareness given to ecological issues , combined with the heightened evidence of large scale environmental deterioration, public attitudes and government decisions on development and natural resource management have been significantly altered. The Green Party of Canada is still r elatively young in comparison to its European counterparts, although ecologica l awareness and interest in t he green movement in Canada is strong, as reflected not only in support on a political level for the Canadian Greens I but for environmental issues and a ctivism in general. For this reason it s important to determine whether or not the Green Party is a significant aspect of the Canadian green movement, and if in fact its representation is necessary as an active participant in the Canadian political system . The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is outlined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to exploit the already problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada. Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

The origins of federal public enterprises in Canada: an appraisal of two approaches

The Green Party of Canada, as a vital aspect of the Canadian green movement, and its connection to international green organizations can be examined primarily through the examp l es of both the Canadian Greens and the Green party of Ontario , by using original party documents and literature, information gained through Green party meetings and discussions with members, and commentary by Green theorists where app licable. As well, the influence on the Canadian green movement by the German Green Party is out lined , again mainly through party literature, documents and critiques of the party's experiences. This study reveals several existing and potential problems fo r t he Green Party in Canada, and the political fut ure of the Canadian green movement in general. Some, such as the real i ties of the Canadian political system are external to the movement, and may be overcome with adjustments in goals and methods, and a realization of the changing attitude towards environmental issues in a political context . On the other hand, internal party disfunctions in both organization and direction, caused mainly by the indefinite parameters of green ideology, threaten to expl oi t t he al ready problematic aspects evident in t he Green Party . Aside from its somewhat slow beginnings, the Green Party in Canada has developed into a strong grassroots social movement, not however from its political visibility but from the steady growth in the popul ari ty of ecological pol i t ics in Canada . Due to the seeming enormity of the obstacles facing the Greens in their effort 4 to achieve electoral success, it is doubtful that Parliamentary representation will be achieved without a major re-orientation of party organization and methods. UI timately the strength of the Green Party in Canada will be based upon its ability to survive as a significant movement, and its willingness to continue to challenge political thought and practice.

The People's Republic of China and her relations with the countries of the association of Southeast Asian nations : 1969-1975

Phe Ihesis examines the evolution of the -policies of the People fs Jtenublie of China towards J?hail°nd, PTal ysia, Singapore, Iidonesia pad the Philip-pines, organised in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations from 1969 to 1975• 2ze first central point of this study is an *ir sumption that the foreign relations of The People's Tepublic of Chi la Towards Southeast ^sia have been motivated by a dynamic interplay of t^o main factors: (1) Farxist-Leninist ideology and ICao J^e-tung Ph^ught, which dictate to China to behave as a revolutionary Dover vhich must assist the insurgent movements in the area in their strug fle to overthrow the local governments; (2) national interest, vhich demands of China to safeguard the southern flank of her territory bordering on Southerst 'sia through Friendly relations, trade and ot*»er conventional inrtniments of diplomacy. hile the tvo main motive factors are nuTually antagonistic and exclusivet the Chinere leaders are nevertheless at te mi ting to oring them iirco a coherent policy under Mao's theory of tve {hniity of op-nosites," vhich believes that it is -possible to reconcile these co-posing tendencies into a dynamic enuibrium through vhich both opnosites could be promoted at the same time although not to the same extent* la other words, the Chinese leaders conceive the dynamic equilibrium as a continuum between them in a mix in which one or the other orientation predominates in different •periods* Bins we might see China1 s conduct motivated in one period by mostly ideological considerations at the expense of the staire-to-state relations, then ve might see her policy in the middle of the continuum and suf ering from immo bill sine and just muddling through, or finally ?fe might see her emphasising friendly ties at the expense of support of revolutionary movements at the other extreme -point of the spectrum* !fhe mechanism vhich enables Peking to move from one pole to the other of the spectrum is activated by the following elementsJ (1) the result of an internal power struggle within the leadership in Peking between ideologically radical and moderate elements, which enables the victorious faction to initiate nev policies; (2) Peking's assessment of the changing intentions and capabilities of the major powers in the area; (3) internal changes within the countries of the area and the changing attitudes of their governments towards China; (4) changing fortunes of revolutionary movements operating in the area* 'Phe second major point of this study is an assertion that while China's conduct toward Southeast *lsia after her foundation in 1949 was primarily based upon ideological considerations, the beginning of the seventies saw the national interest reasserting itself as the leading motive factor* Thus China talks with her neighbours in Southeast asia in terms of relevance of fllong historical ties," casting herself into the role of a benevolent "older brother11 who is entitled to reopect and deference in exchange for patronage and protection* Hence the traditional echoes of the past are emerging ever stronger and influencing her postures towards the region, while the open support to revolutionary moevments is underplayed at the moment.

News in the age of empire : two war scandals

This thesis argues that the motivations underpinning the mainstream news media have fundamentally changed in the 21 sl century. As such, the news is no longer best understood as a tool for propaganda or agenda setting; instead it seems that the news is only motivated by the flow of global network capitalism. The author contrasts the work of Noam Chomsky and Edward S. Herman with that of Gilles Deleuze. Chomsky and Herman's 'Propaganda Model' has been influential within the fields of media studies and popular culture. The 'propaganda model' states that the concentration of ownership of the media has allowed the media elite to exert a disproportionate amount of influence over the mass media. Deleuze, on the other hand, regards the mass media as being yet another cog within the global capitalist mechanism, and is therefore separate from ideology or propaganda. The author proposes that 'propaganda' is no longer a sufficient word to describe the function of the news as terms like 'propaganda' imply some form of national sovereignty or governmental influence. To highlight how the news has 'changed from an instrument of propaganda to an instrument of accumulation, the author compares and contrasts the· coverage of the Abu Ghraib Prison Scandal with that of the Haditha Civilian Massacre. Although similar in nature, the author proposes that the Abu Ghraib Prison Scandal received a disproportionate amount of coverage within the mainstream press because of its exciting and sensational nature.

The Princeps Optimus : towards a new reading of Velleius Paterculus' history

Abstract This thesis works towards a new reading ofVelleius Paterculus' survey of Roman history, published in AD 29 or 30. Modem scholarship has tended to condemn Velleius as historian and stylist. Though opinions have started to change in the last few decades, even the most recent works generally treat him as a passive and perhaps unconscious conveyor of Roman cultural ideals and Augustan ideology. This thesis argues that the historian is, in fact, manipulating these themes to make definite political points. It focuses on the negativity of the history's conclusion as it stands in stark contrast to the preceding narrative celebrating the principates of Augustus and Tiberius. The thesis tentatively concludes that Velleius was trying to express concern over Rome's future, and specifically to influence Tiberius to return to Rome from his retreat on the island of Capri and curb the power of his "assistant," Sejanus.

Emancipatory pedagogies in a grade 11 social studies classroom

This study aimed to uncover the incorporation of transformative pedagogies into the social studies curriculum. This educational approach aims to educate students about a variety of forms of oppression based on race, gender, sexuality, class, ethnicity, and culture, through the use of dialogue to uncover the students' understanding and personal experience with these concepts. This study examined the impact of discussing these topics in a grade 11 class of 22 White students (of various cultural, ethnic, and religious backgrounds). The teacher, Kelvin, and two of his students were interviewed and his class was observed on four occasions over a 2-week period. Based on the data I collected, I argue that a range of emancipatory teaching approaches should be used in critical classroom discourse. These different approaches emphasize the importance of critical thinking, the ability to recognize and combat oppression, the understanding and respect of different cultures, and the ability to recognize the impact of gender and sexuality on the past and present. These are life skills that extend beyond the curriculum (Freire, 1970; Giroux, 1988; hooks, 1994). This study fills a theory to practice gap in the research literature on transformative practice within Canadian contexts. The findings are important for several reasons. Firstly, they illustrated how the teacher's ideology and personal history affect hislher teaching and learning philosophies and approach to teaching. This has implications for the overall classroom environment, what students learn, and how teachers are trained. Secondly, this study provided a glimpse of what transformative pedagogy could look like from a pragmatic standpoint and demonstrated the complexity of using these multiple approaches in the classroom.

The Good, the Bad, and the Ugly: Critical Media Literacy and Disney Female Characters

The purpose of this research project was to use a qualitative approach to explore Critical Media Literacy (CML) with young girls by collaboratively analyzing Disney animated films. My goal was to provide a safe and encouraging space for children to share their perspectives and opinions of Disney animated female characters featured in The Little Mermaid (Ashman, Musker, & Clements, 1989), Cinderella (Disney, Geronimi, Jackson, & Luske, 1950), and The Princess and the Frog (Del Vecho, Clements, & Musker, 2009). I used CML as my theoretical framework as it provided an inquisitive approach to watching films, which, in turn, encouraged the participants to use critical thinking pertaining to the images of female characters in Disney. I also incorporated feminist theory as the majority of discussion revolved around the physical appearance of female characters as well as the participants’ understandings of femininity. I conducted two focus groups with 4 young girls, aged 7 to 11, to gain insight into their understanding of Disney female characters. An inquisitive and collaborative approach to watching films revealed three themes: (a) powerful women in Disney are mean and ugly; (b) heterosexual relationships are paramount; and (c) Disney Princesses are always pretty and nice. I concluded by recommending the importance of CML and collaborative film-watching with young children as the simplicity of asking questions encourages young people to become aware of, challenge, and think critically about the media they are consuming.

Ancrage de l'idéologie de l'Union des producteurs agricoles et de l'utopie de l'Union paysanne dans des significations imaginaires sociales.

Le but de cette thèse est de découvrir l'idéologie de l'Union des producteurs agricoles et l'utopie de l'Union paysanne et de les interpréter à la lumière de "significations imaginaires sociales" déterminantes de notre période historique. Dans la première partie de notre thèse, nous présentons l'évolution de l'imaginaire social du syndicalisme agricole québécois de 1924 à 2005. Nous distinguons quatre périodes et notre étude s'attarde à la dernière, c'est-à-dire celle qui débute en 2001 avec la naissance de l'Union paysanne. Afin d'étudier cette période nous présentons d'abord l'imaginaire social de la société, c'est-à-dire une configuration de significations imaginaires sociales (SIS) - des "idées-valeurs" générales et "englobantes" - qui fait qu'une société est ce qu'elle est et qu'elle ne pourrait être autrement compte tenu de son noyau de SIS. Ensuite, nous constatons que les travaux d'auteurs importants nous permettent de parler de niveaux et types d'imaginaires sociaux et d'établir des relations entre ces niveaux et formes d'imaginaires sociaux. C'est par l'entremise de la problématique générale agriculture-ruralité que nous démontrons, dans la deuxième partie de cette thèse, que des imaginaires sociaux "intermédiaires" - l'idéologie de l'UPA et l'utopie de la "minorité active", l'UP - permettent, en les ancrant dans quelqu'un et dans quelque chose, d'une part de découvrir les SIS de l'imaginaire social de la société et, d'autre part, de comprendre et d'interpréter ces deux imaginaires sociaux à la lumière des SIS. La problématique agriculture-ruralité est "opérationnalisée" à l'aide des trois dimensions suivantes: rapport à soi, rapport à l'autre et rapport à la nature. Le rapport à soi dévoile que la sphère du travail de l'agriculteur-éleveur dans l'idéologie de l'UPA correspond à la "sphère de la nécessité" qui implique notamment l'hétéronomie des agriculteurs, alors que l'utopie de l'UP la souhaite à la fois comme "sphère de la nécessité" et comme sphère de l'autonomie. Le rapport à l'autre permet de découvrir une utopie préconisant l'égalité des chances entre différents types d'agriculteurs et d'agricultures et entre la relève et les agriculteurs établis ainsi que l'égalité politique en territoire rural agricole. Dans l'idéologie de l'UPA, l'inégalité des chances et l'inégalité politique sont discutables mais inéluctables. Enfin, abstraction faite des nuances, la relation agriculture et nature est à l'utopie de l'UP ce que la relation agriculture ou nature est à l'idéologie de l'UPA. La construction partielle de l'idéologie et de l'utopie, nous permet, dans la troisième et dernière partie de cette thèse, d'y découvrir les SIS et de démontrer que l'utopie trouve son sens et sa cohérence en l'interprétant par l'entremise du naturalisme-écologie, de l'"autonomie" et de l'"autolimitation" comme SIS dominantes et de l'"expansion illimitée de la maîtrise rationnelle" (technique) et du capitalisme (économique) comme SIS "secondaires". Nous découvrons l'inverse dans l'idéologie de l'UPA. Les SIS dominantes et les SIS "secondaires" de l'utopie de l'UP sont respectivement les SIS secondaires et les SIS dominantes sous-jacentes à l'idéologie de l'UPA, ce qui correspond à la configuration des SIS dominantes de l'imaginaire social des sociétés constitutives de l'Occident contemporain.

Rapport au travail et dynamique de transformation du métier d'ingénieur dans le contexte algérien: le cas de l'entreprise Sonatrach

Cette recherche a pour objet l'étude de la dynamique de transformation du métier d'ingénieur dans le contexte algérien saisi à travers le rapport au travail. Elle repose sur une approche théorique s'inspirant d'une sociologie des groupes professionnels avec une démarche alliant méthodes quantitatives et qualitatives. Prenant appui sur des données recueillies à l'aide d'un questionnaire et d'entretiens approfondis menés dans Sonatrach, la plus grande entreprise d'Algérie, notre étude s'est attachée à faire ressortir les facteurs qui agissent au niveau individuel, organisationnel et sociétal sur les pratiques professionnelles pour deux générations d'ingénieurs. La première a eu pour mission de bâtir le pays à travers les grands projets de développement qui ont caractérisé la période après l'indépendance. La deuxième est arrivée sur le marché de l'emploi, à la fin des années 80, dans un contexte de crise et a payé un lourd tribut à la détérioration de la conjoncture économique. Les pratiques professionnelles se construisent tout d'abord dans le travail, mais aussi dans l'exercice des activités quotidiennes, les relations avec les autres et enfin la satisfaction à l'égard du travail. Tels ont été les points focaux de notre démarche d'explicitation du rapport au travail chez nos ingénieurs. Nous avons mis en lumière l'effet de la position hiérarchique au sein de l'organisation et des types de fonction. La satisfaction tient de la fierté d'appartenir à une entreprise prestigieuse. Chez les jeunes, elle s'exprime aussi dans les avantages matériels et une vision du métier fondée sur la maîtrise technique. Les plus âgés, encore marqués par l'idéologie nationaliste, mettent l'accent sur la participation à l'édification du pays, mais aussi sur la réalisation de soi et la fidélité à l'entreprise. Le rapport au travail s'élabore également au fil du temps dans son cheminement professionnel. Nous l'avons abordé, dans une deuxième étape, en documentant les processus d'intégration et de mobilité au sein de l'entreprise. Les trajectoires professionnelles sont régies par des politiques et des procédures de gestion qui en définissent les modalités, mais elles obéissent également à des opportunités et à des pratiques informelles qui jouent un rôle tout aussi important dans la détermination des profils de carrière. Enfin, le rapport au travail est tributaire de facteurs qui dépassent le cadre de l'entreprise. Dans une troisième étape, nous avons analysé les transformations du système éducatif et leur impact sur la certification des ingénieurs, la crise économique et ses effets en termes de chômage et de précarité et enfin la montée du discours religieux et ses manifestations chez les ingénieurs. Ces facteurs liés au contexte sociétal modifient les représentations et modèlent les attitudes et comportements au travail et à l'égard de celui-ci. Comme le montre notre recherche, le rapport au travail articule, dans une composition complexe, parcours individuels et histoires collectives vécus dans des environnements en évolution. La pratique d'un métier se trouve liée aux différents contextes de socialisation qui traversent les individus. Elle se situe, dans le cas algérien, au croisement d'une formation scientifique et technique qui montre peu de réactivité aux besoins mouvants de l'opérateur économique qu'elle est censée satisfaire, d'une entreprise bureaucratique dans son organisation et dans son fonctionnement où le contournement des règles peut s'ériger en principes de gestion et enfin d'un contexte sociétal qui oscille entre modernité et tradition. Cette dernière est réinterprétée de manière orthodoxe par les mouvements religieux en action dans la société. Ainsi, les ingénieurs investis initialement d'une mission de développement et considérés alors comme "vecteur de modernité" connaissent une détérioration de leur statut et la crise touche la profession vécue cependant différemment selon les générations.

L'application de la notion d'entreprise entre le Code de commerce français et le Code civil du Québec

"Mémoire présenté à la faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit des affaires LLM"

Pour une constitutionnalisation du droit à la sécession au Canada

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des études supérieures en vue de l'obtention du grade de maîtrise en droit, option recherche (LL.M.)"

L'approche critique du néolibéralisme dans la perspective de mise en oeuvre des règles GATT/OMC pour sortir les PVD de leur dépendance économique

"Mémoire présenté à la Faculté des Études supérieures En vue de l'obtention du grade de Maîtrise en droit des affaires (LL.M.)"

L'avocat diffamateur : ses devoirs de conduite et la mise en oeuvre de sa responsabilité civile

Le présent mémoire de maîtrise renvoie à une analyse des situations de diffamation commise par l'avocat, dans le cadre d'une instance judiciaire, à l'égard de la partie adverse, de son représentant et du témoin. L'étude s'inscrit dans un double dessein de prévention et de sensibilisation auprès de la communauté juridique. L'interrogation inhérente à l'étude consiste à savoir si l'avocat est considéré à l'instar de tout particulier dans les poursuites pour diffamation civile. Doit-il conséquemment observer strictement ses devoirs de conduite professionnelle afin d'éviter toute situation potentiellement diffamatoire? Tout d'abord, nous cernerons le concept de diffamation civile en droit québécois en regard des sources législatives, des droits de la personnalité ou fondamentaux traités, ainsi que des éléments matériels juridiques constitutifs. À la lueur de cet exposé didactique, nous identifierons les devoirs de conduite professionnelle de l'avocat, dans le cadre d'une instance judiciaire, visant la proscription d'allégations diffamatoires. Il s'agit plus particulièrement des devoirs de modération et de courtoisie de l'avocat à l'égard des tiers. Enfin, nous examinerons la mise en oeuvre de la responsabilité civile de l'avocat en matière de diffamation. Plus spécifiquement, nous analyserons sa faute civile suivant les critères d'appréciation qui renvoient à la pertinence, à la véracité et à la bonne foi. Par ailleurs, nous critiquerons le recours, par la doctrine et la jurisprudence québécoises, à l'immunité relative de l'avocat. Nous référerons à la terminologie inadéquate d'«immunité relative» et à l'importation injustifiée de la common law en droit de la responsabilité civile québécois.