747 resultados para International Security
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"Revised February 1986"
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"Contributed to the Federal Information Processing Standards Task Group 15 - Computer Systems Security" -t.p.
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Issued by the Dept. of State, the Dept. of Defense, and the International Cooperation Administration, 1957-1961
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"Serial no. 108-136."
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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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This article calls for a widening of the debate about humanitarian intervention to incorporate insights from constructivism, 'Welsh School' Critical Security Studies, and critical approaches to Third World International Relations. After identifying a series of problems with the contemporary debate, which is dominated by the English School, it calls for a broadening of the concept of intervention and suggests a need to rethink the meaning of humanitarianism and terms such as the 'supreme humanitarian emergency'.
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Aims: To determine if general practitioners' (GPs) experience of education on alcohol, support in their working environment for intervening with alcohol problems, and their attitudes have an impact on the number of patients they manage with alcohol problems. Methods: 1300 GPs from nine countries were surveyed with a postal questionnaire as part of a World Health Organization (WHO) collaborative study. Results: GPs who received more education on alcohol (OR = 1.5; 95% CI, 1.3-1.7), who perceived that they were working in a supportive environment (OR = 1.6; 95% CI, 1.4-1.9), who expressed higher role security in working with alcohol problems (OR = 2.0; 95% CI, 1.5-2.5) and who reported greater therapeutic commitment to working with alcohol problems (OR = 1.4: 95% CI, 1.1-1.7) were more likely to manage patients with alcohol-related harm. Conclusion: Both education and support in the working environment need to be provided to enhance the involvement of GPs in the management of alcohol problems.
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Australian foreign and security policy confronts a series of difficult challenges in coping with the emergence of an Islamic extremist threat in Southeast Asia. Australian policy makers are being drawn into unfamiliar linkages with moderate Islam, and into closer cooperation with Indonesia, the most populous Islamic nation in the world, in an attempt to offset Islamic extremists. Further, they must achieve those objectives at a time when important interests are at stake beyond Southeast Asia, when bipartisan agreement about the direction of foreign policy is waning, and when divisions over the appropriate trajectory of Australian security policy are intense. A delicacy almost unprecedented in Australian foreign policy will be required.
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An increased incidence of attack has been identified as a major characteristic of the new threat posed by terrorist groups such as al Qaeda. This article considers what such a change means for Western national security systems by examining bow different parts of the system change over time. It becomes evident that Western national security systems are structured on an assumption of comparatively slow state-based threats. In contrast, terrorist franchises operate at a faster pace, are more 'lightweight' and can adapt within the operational and capability cycles of Western governments. Neither network-centric warfare nor an improved assessment of the threat, called for by some, offers a panacea in this regard. Rather, it is clear that not only do Western governments need to adjust their operational and capability cycles, but that they also need a greater diversity of responses to increase overall national security resilience and offer more tools for policy-makers.
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Despite global trends towards military reform characterized by processes of professionalization and democratization, militaries in Southeast Asia have continued to play prominent roles in domestic politics since 11 September. This suggests that wider patterns of global military reform have not had as great an impact on the control, capacity and cooperative functions of armed forces in Southeast Asia as they may have elsewhere. In order to explore why the security sector reform agenda has had so little impact in the region, we investigate recent patterns of civil-military relations in Southeast Asia by focusing on the experiences of four of the region's militaries: Malaysia, Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia. We argue that the security sector reform agenda is informed by a predominantly North American approach to civil-military relations based on a number of core assumptions that do not reflect Southeast Asian experiences. Hence, we ask whether the reform agenda itself could be modified to better suit the Southeast Asian context. We suggest that although the regional military sector has not reformed along a 'Western' path it is nonetheless possible to see other types of, and potential for, reform.