764 resultados para Free Trade Zones
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Income distribution, poverty and social expenditure in Latin America / José Antonio Ocampo. -- Military expenditure and development in Latin America / Eugenio Lahera and Marcelo Ortúzar. -- Growth, distributive justice and social policy / Andrés Solimano. -- Equity, foreign investment and international competitiveness / Adolfo Figueroa. -- Tensions in Latin American structural adjustment: allocation versus distribution / Daniel M. Schydlowsky. -- Competitiveness and labour regulations / Luis Beccaria and Pedro Galin. -- Latin American families: convergences and divergences in models and policies / Irma Arriagada. -- Free trade agreements and female labour: the Chilean situation / Alicia Frohmann and Pilar Romaguera. -- Macroeconomic trends in Paraguay from 1989 to 1997: consumption bubble and financial crisis / Stephane Straub. -- The strategies pursued by Mexican firms in their efforts to become global players / Alejandra Salas-Porras. -- Regulating the private provision of drinking water and sanitation services / Terence R, Lee and Andrei S. Jouravlev. -- Quality management promotion to improve competitiveness / Hessel Schuurman.
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Pós-graduação em Direito - FCHS
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Editorial remarks.-- Open discussion: Integrating economics, legislation and administration in water and water services management ; Water and Free Trade Agreements ; Provision of transport infraestructure.-- News of the network: WALIR ; Prevention and reduction of the Danger Posed by natural disasters ; Ministry of Water in Bolivia ; Water management council of the Paute Basin in Ecuador ; CRSS.-- Internet and WWW news
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Pós-graduação em Ciências Sociais - FCLAR
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Esta Tese tem como objetivo principal corroborar a teoria Neo-Schumpeteriana , que envolve as mudanças técnicas nos processos produtivos das empresas estabelecidas no Pólo Industrial de Manaus – PIM, no que tange a influencia da introdução das inovações e, em particular, das inovações ambientais sobre a medida de concentração de cada pólo industrial (indústria) que compõem o PIM. Os dados da pesquisa compreenderam dois níveis: dados secundários, levantados junto Superintendência da Zona Franca de Manaus – SUFRAMA – e que se referem à indicadores econômicos de desempenho das empresas, situadas no âmbito do PIM; e dados primários, coletados a partir da aplicação de um questionário às empresas do PIM cadastradas nessa Instituição. Na junção desses dois conjuntos de dados foi elaborada uma análise descritiva referente às variáveis qualitativas abordadas no questionário, além, da aplicação de modelo econométrico – Modelo de Equações Simultâneas – com os dados do questionário e dos indicadores econômicos selecionados. Os resultados obtidos corroboram a hipótese principal levantada no estudo de que as inovações e, em especial aquelas de caráter ambiental, têm efeito significativo e positivo no índice de concentração calculado. Ademais, foi constatado que as empresas consideradas, pela literatura, como poluidoras, são as que mais inovam do ponto de vista ambiental.
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Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES)
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A Zona Franca de Manaus (ZFM) foi criada em 1967 pelo governo da ditadura militar brasileira, de acordo com um discurso nacionalista que apresentava a região amazônica como um território estratégico que era preciso ocupar e desenvolver. Apesar de a visão do grande vazio não ter sido apagada do imaginário popular, desde os anos de 1970 tem ganhado força a percepção da floresta como herança cultural e biológica a ser preservada. Estas mudanças nos discursos mais gerais sobre a Amazônia foram acompanhadas por um deslocamento do discurso de legitimação dos incentivos fiscais gozados pelas indústrias de Manaus, em um movimento relacionado ao processo de construção de hegemonia no campo ambiental, marcado pela emergência da chamada modernização ecológica. Utilizando a análise crítica do discurso, este artigo mostra como se constituiu o argumento de que as empresas em Manaus protegem a floresta, assentado em um roteiro de dupla ameaça: de desemprego e de desmatamento. As informações e dados foram levantados por meio de pesquisa bibliográfica, entrevistas semiestruturadas e observações diretas em reuniões e eventos corporativos. Fizeram parte do corpus, ainda, as transcrições oficiais de 64 pronunciamentos em plenário dos três senadores e oito deputados federais do Amazonas em 2007; 125 matérias publicadas no caderno de Economia do jornal A Crítica entre 1º de janeiro e 30 de junho, e quatro edições da revista institucional Suframa Hoje, no mesmo ano.
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In 1995, the European Union (EU) Member States and 12 Mediterranean countries launched in Barcelona a liberalization process that aims at establishing a free trade area (to be realized by 2010) and at promoting a sustainable and balanced economic development by the adoption of a new generation of Agreements: the Euro-Mediterranean Agreements (EMA). For the Mediterranean partner countries, the main concern is a better access for their fruit and vegetable exports to the European market. These products represent the main exports of these countries, and the EU is their first trading partner. On the other side, for the EU the main issue is not only the promotion of its products, but also the protection of its fruit and vegetables producers. Moreover, the trade with third countries is the key element of the Common Market Organization of the sector. Fruit and vegetables represent a very sensitive sector since their high seasonality, high perishability, and especially since the production of the Mediterranean countries is often similar to the European Mediterranean’s countries one. In fact, the agreements define preferences at the entrance of the EU market providing limited concessions for each partner, for specific products, limited quantities and calendars. This research tries to analyze the bilateral trade volume for fresh fruit and vegetables in the European and Italian markets in order to assess the effects of Mediterranean liberalization on this sector. Free trade of agricultural products represents a very actual topic in international trade and the Mediterranean countries, recognised as big producers of fruit and vegetables, as big exporters of their crops and actually significantly present on the European market, could be high competitors with the inward production because the outlet could be the same. The goal of this study is to provide some considerations about the competitiveness of mediterranean fruit and vegetables productions after Barcelona Process, in a first step for the European market and then also for the Italian one. The aim is to discuss the influence of the euro-mediterranean agreements on the fruit and vegetables trade between 10 foreign Mediterranean countries (Algeria, Egypt, Israel, Jordan, Libya, Lebanon, Morocco, Tunisia, Syria, and Turkey) and 15 EU countries in the period 1995-2007, by means of a gravity model, which is a widespread methodology in international trade analysis. The basic idea of gravity models is that bilateral trade from one country to another (as the dependent variable) can be explained by a set of factors: - factors that capture the potential of a country to export goods and services; - factors that capture the propensity of a country to imports goods and services; - any other forces that either attract or inhibit bilateral trade. This analysis compares only imports’ flows by Europe and by Italy (in volumes) from Mediterranean countries, since the exports’ flows toward those foreign countries are not significant, especially for Italy. The market of fruit and vegetables appears as a high heterogeneous group so it is very difficult to show a synthesis of the analysis performed and the related results. In fact, this sector includes the so called “poor products” (such as potatoes and legumes), and the “rich product”, such as nuts or exotic fruit, and there are a lot of different goods that arouse a dissimilar consumer demand which directly influence the import requirements. Fruit and vegetables sector includes products with extremely different biological cycles, leading to a very unlike seasonality. Moreover, the Mediterranean area appears as a highly heterogeneous bloc, including countries which differ from the others for economic size, production potential, capability to export and for the relationships with the EU. The econometric estimation includes 68 analyses, 34 of which considering the European import and 34 the Italian import and the products are examined in their aggregated form and in their disaggregated level. The analysis obtains a very high R2 coefficient, which means that the methodology is able to assess the import effects on fruit and vegetables associated to the Association Agreements, preferential tariffs, regional integration, and others information involved in the equation. The empirical analysis suggests that fruits and vegetables trade flows are well explained by some parameters: size of the involved countries (especially GDP and population of the Mediterranean countries); distances; prices of imported products; local production for the aggregated products; preferential expressed tariffs like duty free; sub-regional agreements that enforce the export capability. The euro-mediterranean agreements are significant in some of the performed analysis, confirming the slow and gradual evolution of euro- Mediterranean liberalization. The euro-mediterranean liberalization provides opportunities from one side, and imposes a new important challenge from the other side. For the EU the chance is that fruit and vegetables imported from the mediterranean area represent a support for local supply and a possibility to increase the range of products existing on the market. The challenge regards the competition of foreign products with the local ones since the types of productions are similar and markets coincide, especially in the Italian issue. We need to apply a strategy based not on a trade antagonism, but on the realization of a common plane market with the Mediterranean countries. This goal could be achieved enhancing the industrial cooperation in addition to commercial relationships, and increasing investments’ flows in the Mediterranean countries aiming at transforming those countries from potential competitors to trade partners and creating new commercial policies to export towards extra European countries.
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This work contributes to the field of spatial economics by embracing three distinct modelling approaches, belonging to different strands of the theoretical literature. In the first chapter I present a theoretical model in which the changes in urban system’s degree of functional specialisation are linked to (i) firms’ organisational choices and firms’ location decisions. The interplay between firms’ internal communication/managing costs (between headquarters and production plants) and the cost of communicating with distant business services providers leads the transition process from an “integrated” urban system where each city hosts every different functions to a “functionally specialised” urban system where each city is either a primary business center (hosting advanced business services providers, a secondary business center or a pure manufacturing city and all this city-types coexist in equilibrium.The second chapter investigates the impact of free trade on welfare in a two-country world modelled as an international Hotelling duopoly with quadratic transport costs and asymmetric countries, where a negative environmental externality is associated with the consumption of the good produced in the smaller country. Countries’ relative sizes as well as the intensity of negative environmental externality affect potential welfare gains of trade liberalisation. The third chapter focuses on the paradox, by which, contrary to theoretical predictions, empirical evidence shows that a decrease in international transport costs causes an increase in foreign direct investments (FDIs). Here we propose an explanation to this apparent puzzle by exploiting an approach which delivers a continuum of Bertrand- Nash equilibria ranging above marginal cost pricing. In our setting, two Bertrand firms, supplying a homogeneous good with a convex cost function, enter the market of a foreign country. We show that allowing for a softer price competition may indeed more than offset the standard effect generated by a decrease in trade costs, thereby restoring FDI incentives.
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The conclusion of the Doha Round negotiations is likely to influence Swiss agricultural policy substantially. The same goes for a free trade agreement in agriculture and food with the European Communities. Even though neither of them will bring about duty-free and quota-free market access, or restrict domestic support measures to green box compatible support, both would represent a big step in that direction. There is no empirical evidence on the effect of such a counterfactual scenario for Swiss agriculture. We therefore use a normative mathematical programming model to illustrate possible effects for agricultural production and the corresponding agricultural income. Moreover, we discuss the results with respect to the provision of public goods under the assumption of continuing green box-compatible direct payments. The aim of our article is to bring more transparency into the discussion on the effects of freer and less distorted trade on the income generation by a multifunctional agriculture. The article will be organized as follows. In the first Section we specify the background of our study. In the second section, we focus on the problem statement and our research questions. In Section 3, we describe in detail a counterfactual scenario of “duty-free, quota-free and price support-free” agriculture from an economic as well as a legal perspective. Our methodology and the results are presented in Section 4 and 5 respectively. In Section 6, we discuss our results with respect to economic and legal aspects of multifunctional agriculture.
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Electronic waste generated from the consumption of durable goods in developed countries is often exported to underdeveloped countries for reuse, recycling and disposal with unfortunate environmental consequences. The lack of efficient disposal policies within developing nations coupled with global free trade agreements make it difficult for consumers to internalize these costs. This paper develops a two-country model, one economically developed and the other underdeveloped, to solve for optimal tax policies necessary to achieve the efficient allocation of economic resources in an economy with a durable good available for global reuse without policy measures in the underdeveloped country. A tax in the developed country on purchases of the new durable good combined with a waste tax set below the domestic external cost of disposal is sufficient for global efficiency. The implication of allowing free global trade in electronic waste is also examined, where optimal policy resembles a global deposit-refund system.
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There has been much commentary about the re-ordering of the relations between nation state government, geographical territory, and populations in the advanced liberal democracies. This is seen as a product of: increasing demographic and cultural diversity due to legal and illegal migration; economic, cultural, and political global interdependence; footloose mobility of capital and the outsourcing of jobs to poorer countries; the growing power of international corporations and financial markets; and the growth of supra-national bodies like the European Union and The North Atlantic Free Trade Association, the World Trade Organisation, and (debatably), the UN. These developments are held to be associated with the gradual demise of the model of the increasingly secular nation state first crystallised by the Treaty of Westphalia in 1648. This conception provided a mutual, guarantee of states’ jurisdiction over territory and populations through their legitimated attempts to monopolise the use of force. Though, the relations between these states have always been asymmetrical and often challenged (Hunter 1998).
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Cultural protectionism has been an element of national and foreign policies, as an extension of state sovereignty expressed both in a defensive and offensive manner. While the generic protectionist formula in the sense of restraining trade between states through measures such as import tariffs or quotas and through privileging domestic production has somewhat disintegrated over time under the rationale for free trade and the strong practical evidence of its benefits, the particular case of cultural protectionism has persevered. As we reveal in this paper, however, it has been modified, or at least its rhetoric has changed. The enquiry into the notion of cultural protectionism or cultural diversity, as the current political jargon would have it, is but one of the paper’s objectives. Its second and certainly more ambitious goal is the search for the normative dimensions of cultural diversity policies in the global digital space, asking what adjustments are needed and how feasible the entire project of diversity regulation in this environment may be. Taking into account the specificities of cyberspace and in a forward-looking manner, we propose some adjustments to current media policy practices that could better serve the goal of a sustainably diverse cultural environment.
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The WTO Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) is the predominant multilateral legal framework governing agricultural trade. The objective of the AoA is to liberalise trade in agriculture through reductions in tariffs, domestic support and export subsidies. The AoA has not, however, ‘levelled the playing field’ and has not resulted in the equitable distribution of food, particularly for the poorer developing countries. On the other hand, support for small farmers does not ensure food security for the poor. While food security has no simple solutions such as “free trade is good for you”, reform proposals for trade rules which only address agricultural policy instruments fail to account for consumer and other interests: neither tariff reductions and subsidy disciplines, nor safeguards and other measures of producer protection can automatically increase food security. Rather, what is needed is the full and proper implementation of a number of commitments which the international community has already entered into in various human rights treaties, but which even the envisaged results of the now failed Doha Round negotiations could not ensure without revisiting relevant multilateral trade and investment rules.
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El proceso de reforma del Estado experimentado en la Argentina en la década de los 90, significó tanto para las instituciones como para los ciudadanos un cambio profundo en las relaciones que hasta el momento se habían dado entre sociedad y Estado. Los principales instrumentos de este proceso: la desregulación económica, la privatización de servicios y la descentralización de funciones, significaron en su conjunto un cambio sustancial en el papel regulador del Estado, quien deja de ser el prestador, y el corrector de las fallas del mercado, para constituirse ( real o potencialmente) en el garante de su cabal funcionamiento .Sin embargo en el caso de la transferencia de los servicios públicos al sector privado en la Argentina, al haber sido el Estado, el anterior prestador monopólico de los mismos, dejó un vacío que requirió del mismo no ya desregulación sino un nuevo papel regulador, respecto de los prestadores y los usuarios de dichos servicios. En este trabajo se efectúa una descripción de los enfoques económicos y jurídicos desde los cuales se plantea la función regulatoria del Estado a partir del conjunto de leyes, decretos, resoluciones y reglamentaciones del gobierno nacional que significaron cambios importantes en el papel asignado al Estado por el Gobierno en ejercicio durante la última década.