Public Service Motivation in Public and Nonprofit Service Providers: The Cases of Belarus and Poland

The work motivation construct is central to the theory and practice of many social science disciplines. Yet, due to the novelty of validated measures appropriate for a deep cross-national comparison, studies that contrast different administrative regimes remain scarce. This study represents an initial empirical effort to validate the Public Service Motivation (PSM) instrument proposed by Kim and colleagues (2013) in a previously unstudied context. The two former communist countries analyzed in this dissertation—Belarus and Poland— followed diametrically opposite development strategies: a fully decentralized administrative regime in Poland and a highly centralized regime in Belarus. The employees (n = 677) of public and nonprofit organizations in the border regions of Podlaskie Wojewodstwo (Poland) and Hrodna Voblasc (Belarus) are the subjects of study. Confirmatory factor analysis revealed three dimensions of public service motivation in the two regions: compassion, self-sacrifice, and attraction to public service. The statistical models tested in this dissertation suggest that nonprofit sector employees exhibit higher levels of PSM than their public sector counterparts. Nonprofit sector employees also reveal a similar set of values and work attitudes across the countries. Thus, the study concludes that in terms of PSM, employees of nonprofit organizations constitute a homogenous group that exists atop the administrative regimes. However, the findings propose significant differences between public sector agencies across the two countries. Contrary to expectations, data suggest that organization centralization in Poland is equal to—or for some items even higher than—that of Belarus. We can conclude that the absence of administrative decentralization of service provision in a country does not necessarily undermine decentralized practices within organizations. Further analysis reveals strong correlations between organization centralization and PSM for the Polish sample. Meanwhile, in Belarus, correlations between organization centralization items and PSM are weak and mostly insignificant. The analysis indicates other factors beyond organization centralization that significantly impact PSM in both sectors. PSM of the employees in the studied region is highly correlated with their participation in religious practices, political parties, or labor unions as well as location of their organization in a capital and type of social service provided.

The Electoral Geography of the Slovak Republic: A Comparison of the 1994, 1998, and 2002 Parliamentary Elections

In what can rightly be said to be one of the most dramatic geopolitical shifts in modern times, the collapse of communist regimes in Central Europe and the former Soviet Union brought about dramatic changes in the entire region. As a consequence, wide ranging political, economic, and social transformations have occurred in almost all of these countries since 1989. The Slovak Republic, as a newly democratic country, went through the establishment of the electoral and party systems that are the central mechanisms to the formation of almost all modern democratic governments. The primary research purpose of this dissertation was to describe and explain regional variations in party support during Slovakia’s ten years of democratic transformation. A secondary purpose was to relate these spatial variations to the evolution of political parties in the post-independence period in light of the literature on transitional electoral systems. Research questions were analyzed using both aggregate and survey data. Specifically, the study utilized electoral data from 1994, 1998, and 2002 Slovak parliamentary elections and socio-economic data of the population within Slovak regions which were eventually correlated with the voting results by party in the 79 Slovak districts. The results of this study demonstrate that there is a tendency among voters in certain regions to provide continuous support to the same political parties/movements over time. In addition, the socio-economic characteristics of the Slovak population (gender, age, education, religion, nationality, unemployment, work force distribution, wages, urban-rural variable, and population density) in different regions tend to influence voting preferences in the parliamentary elections. Finally, there is an evident correlation between party preference and the party’s position on integration into European Union, as measured by perceived attitudes regarding the benefits of EU membership.

The Central European initiative : an approach to regional stabilization and democratic consolidation

This thesis examines how multilateral institutions can contribute to democratization and regional stability. It is a case study of the Central European Initiative (CEI), a regional intergovernmental organization founded by Italy and Austria in 1989 to undertake a regional integration process, and of its role in stabilizing post-communist democracies. Documents were collected at the CEI offices in Trieste, Italy, and interviews conducted with CEI officers, and data obtained from the websites of related organizations and of CEI member countries. The thesis probes the relevance of concepts derived from theories of international regimes and social constructivism. It shows that the CEI diffuses norms and institutional rules conducive to consolidating democracies, including the development of a free civil society, a relatively autonomous political society, rule of law, state bureaucracies that are usable by the new democratic governments, and functioning free market economies, addition, and fosters habits of dialogue, socializes participants, and supports the creation of supra-national identities.

Todo nordeste que couber a gente publica: o The New York Times e as representações do nordeste brasileiro na era da política da boa vizinhança (1933-1945)

The Brazilian Northeast has been a constant subject for journalists of one of the world's leading media companies - The New York Times - between 1933 and 1945. This time, the US government implemented a new foreign policy for Latin America - known as the Good Neighbor Policy. It preached, various points including more respect and attention to the countries south of U.S. borders. Because of her geostrategic importance, Brazil was one of the countries that received the most attention of the bureaucracy and American press. This study investigates the multiple Northeast representations formulated in The New York Times' pages when the Americans were spotlight is on the region. It delineates similarities and differences between the NYT, the press and the governments of the United States and Brazil from the ways of conceiving this particular part of Brazil. Through the analysis of texts, photographs and maps, it is dedicated to establish connections between spaces, press and politics of the 1930s and 1940s. These decades there were relevant changes in the political landscape of both countries that permeated the news, reports and articles of NYT. Circumstances such as the 1935 armed uprisings - known as Communist Conspiracy - the installation and operation of the New State, and especially the Brazilian and US participation in World War II and the bilateral negotiations on the installation of US bases in Brazil were cardinal for the various Northeast images that circulated in the publication. The region was repeatedly subject of correspondent of the New York newspaper in Brazil, Frank M. Garcia, but also present on matters of professionals responsible for various sections: review of books, publishing, tourism, foreign affairs, etc. Along the investigated period, the visions of the region made in the articles published in the newspaper that suffered major metamorphoses. Starting with Northeast of the drought, famine and death recurrent in Brazilian literature to the most dangerous point for hemispheric defense, passing through representations of the American West lawless nineteenth century and the Latin America marked by the dominance of exotic nature and stagnation, a space to be transformed by the US technical knowledge.

Entre a cruz e a espada, a foice e o martelo: a representação do anticomunismo no Rio Grande do Norte

The objective of this dissertation is to investigate the propagation of an anticommunism movement in Rio Grande do Norte Estate, Brazil, in a process that started on the first decades of the twentieth century and shows reflections until today. Firstly, we introduce the operation promoted by the catholic oriented newspaper A Ordem. Through the analysis of publications from 1935 to 1945, we observe its role in an image campaign of the “Communist Conspiracy” event, in an attempt to legitimate the power of Right wing groups, specially the Catholic Church and the Military Police. The newspapers discourse is analyzed in serial, quantitative and qualitative perspectives. Secondly, we search to understand the space dynamic of the anticommunism discourse thought the creation of evocation and representation spaces that ended up becoming memory places. Our considerations are based on the concept of representation by Roger Chartier, observing the way communism is represented by A Ordem, as well as the spatial category used to reactivate the anticommunist memory and represent it. We analyze the interests that are served by the construction of the monuments, the Oral History, as well as the relation between the local communities with them. Thirdly, we establish a parallel with many authors, in an approach that gathers Cultural and Social elements and Political History, in order to find explanations for the articulation of these discourses.

“Back to the future?” Cuban–Russian relations under Raúl Castro

Peer reviewed

“Back to the future?” Cuban–Russian relations under Raúl Castro

Peer reviewed

“Back to the future?” Cuban–Russian relations under Raúl Castro

Peer reviewed

Institutional Persistence in Eastern Europe: Economic and Political Legacies of Empires and Communism

This dissertation seeks to advance our understanding of the roles that institutions play in economic development. How do institutions evolve? What mechanisms are responsible for their persistence? What effects do they have on economic development?

I address these questions using historical and contemporary data from Eastern Europe and Russia. This area is relatively understudied by development economists. It also has a very interesting history. For one thing, for several centuries it was divided between different empires. For another, it experienced wars and socialism in the 20th century. I use some of these exogenous shocks as quasi-natural social experiments to study the institutional transformations and its effects on economic development both in the short and long run.

This first chapter explores whether economic, social, and political institutions vary in their resistance to policies designed to remove them. The empirical context for the analysis is Romania from 1690 to the 2000s. Romania represents an excellent laboratory for studying the persistence of different types of historical institutional legacies. In the 18th and 19th centuries, Romania was split between the Habsburg and Ottoman Empires, where political and economic institutions differed. The Habsburgs imposed less extractive institutions relative to the Ottomans: stronger rule of law, a more stable and predictable state, a more developed civil society, and less corruption. In the 20th century, the Romanian Communist regime tried deliberately to homogenize the country along all relevant dimensions. It was only partially successful. Using a regression discontinuity design, I document the persistence of economic outcomes, social capital, and political attitudes. First, I document remarkable convergence in urbanization, education, unemployment, and income between the two former empires. Second, regarding social capital, no significant differences in organizational membership, trust in bureaucracy, and corruption persist today. Finally, even though the Communists tried to change all political attitudes, significant discontinuities exist in current voting behavior at the former Habsburg-Ottoman border. Using data from the parliamentary elections of 1996-2008, I find that former Habsburg rule decreases by around 6 percentage points the vote share of the major post-Communist left party and increases by around 2 and 5 percentage points the vote shares of the main anti-Communist and liberal parties, respectively.

The second chapter investigates the effects of Stalin’s mass deportations on distrust in central authority. Four deported ethnic groups were not rehabilitated after Stalin’s death; they remained in permanent exile until the disintegration of the Soviet Union. This allows one to distinguish between the effects of the groups that returned to their homelands and those of the groups that were not allowed to return. Using regional data from the 1991 referendum on the future of the Soviet Union, I find that deportations have a negative interim effect on trust in central authority in both the regions of destination and those of origin. The effect is stronger for ethnic groups that remained in permanent exile in the destination regions. Using data from the Life in Transition Survey, the chapter also documents a long-term effect of deportations in the destination regions.

The third chapter studies the short-term effect of Russian colonization of Central Asia on economic development. I use data on the regions of origin of Russian settlers and push factors to construct an instrument for Russian migration to Central Asia. This instrument allows me to interpret the outcomes causally. The main finding is that the massive influx of Russians into the region during the 1897-1926 period had a significant positive effect on indigenous literacy. The effect is stronger for men and in rural areas. Evidently, interactions between natives and Russians through the paid labor market was an important mechanism of human capital transmission in the context of colonization.

The findings of these chapters provide additional evidence that history and institutions do matter for economic development. Moreover, the dissertation also illuminates the relative persistence of institutions. In particular, political and social capital legacies of institutions might outlast economic legacies. I find that most economic differences between the former empires in Romania have disappeared. By the same token, there are significant discontinuities in political outcomes. People in former Habsburg Romania provide greater support for liberalization, privatization, and market economy, whereas voters in Ottoman Romania vote more for redistribution and government control over the economy.

In the former Soviet Union, Stalin’s deportations during World War II have a long-term negative effect on social capital. Today’s residents of the destination regions of deportations show significantly lower levels of trust in central authority. This is despite the fact that the Communist regime tried to eliminate any source of opposition and used propaganda to homogenize people’s political and social attitudes towards the authorities. In Central Asia, the influx of Russian settlers had a positive short-term effect on human capital of indigenous population by the 1920s, which also might have persisted over time.

From a development perspective, these findings stress the importance of institutions for future paths of development. Even if past institutional differences are not apparent for a certain period of time, as was the case with the former Communist countries, they can polarize society later on, hampering economic development in the long run. Different institutions in the past, which do not exist anymore, can thus contribute to current political instability and animosity.

Partidos, tradiciones y estrategias de movilización social : De la Junta de la Victoria a la Unión de Mujeres de la Argentina

Este trabajo analiza el surgimiento de la Unión de Mujeres de la Argentina (UMA). El disparador es comprender cómo un proyecto del Partido Comunista Argentino desbordó los límites partidarios intentando constituirse como un movimiento de masas femenino. La atención se colocará sobre el hecho de que este conjunto de mujeres rescató una experiencia de movilización que las precedió: la Junta de la Victoria (JV). La UMA capitalizó en el contexto de los primeros años del gobierno peronista (1947-1949) varias propuestas de la JV durante la entreguerras. Así logró movilizar redes de sociabilidad y adhesión que se conjugaron con un proyecto de mujer ciudadana activa y partícipe justificada en la arena política, social y económica desde su lugar de madre. El corpus se compone de entrevistas a dirigentes de ambas agrupaciones y del Partido Comunista así como de recursos escritos tales como diarios y revistas que se pondrán en juego para comprender las complejidad de la temática propuesta

Formación de cuadros y frentes populares : Relaciones de clase y género en el Partido Comunista de Argentina, 1935-1951

Este artículo se enfoca en el estudio del período que corre entre 1935 y 1951 para destacar una de las empresas más importantes del PC a nivel mundial, con substanciales réditos en Argentina: la organización de las mujeres. En particular, nuestro interrogante es de qué modo un partido tradicionalmente considerado de estructuración directa y unitaria, profesional, eminentemente concentrado en la línea de formación ideológica por sobre la electoral, caracterizado por un perfil obrero y fuerte en términos de organización administrativa interna -particularmente, debido a su característica celular-, encuentra límites a esa propia caracterización organizacional en tanto delinea una política de intervención coyuntural que lo coloca en alianzas con otros actores y modifica, con ello, sus propios caracteres. El corpus documental de esta investigación incluye documentos y prensa partidaria (comunista y de otras agrupaciones políticas o sociales); archivos personales, autobiografías y entrevistas. La codificación permitió un ordenamiento de los datos extraídos de los documentos relevados, agrupándolos, según similitudes o diferencias relevantes en categorías que hicieron posible su análisis

Partidos, tradiciones y estrategias de movilización social : De la Junta de la Victoria a la Unión de Mujeres de la Argentina

Este trabajo analiza el surgimiento de la Unión de Mujeres de la Argentina (UMA). El disparador es comprender cómo un proyecto del Partido Comunista Argentino desbordó los límites partidarios intentando constituirse como un movimiento de masas femenino. La atención se colocará sobre el hecho de que este conjunto de mujeres rescató una experiencia de movilización que las precedió: la Junta de la Victoria (JV). La UMA capitalizó en el contexto de los primeros años del gobierno peronista (1947-1949) varias propuestas de la JV durante la entreguerras. Así logró movilizar redes de sociabilidad y adhesión que se conjugaron con un proyecto de mujer ciudadana activa y partícipe justificada en la arena política, social y económica desde su lugar de madre. El corpus se compone de entrevistas a dirigentes de ambas agrupaciones y del Partido Comunista así como de recursos escritos tales como diarios y revistas que se pondrán en juego para comprender las complejidad de la temática propuesta

Formación de cuadros y frentes populares : Relaciones de clase y género en el Partido Comunista de Argentina, 1935-1951

Este artículo se enfoca en el estudio del período que corre entre 1935 y 1951 para destacar una de las empresas más importantes del PC a nivel mundial, con substanciales réditos en Argentina: la organización de las mujeres. En particular, nuestro interrogante es de qué modo un partido tradicionalmente considerado de estructuración directa y unitaria, profesional, eminentemente concentrado en la línea de formación ideológica por sobre la electoral, caracterizado por un perfil obrero y fuerte en términos de organización administrativa interna -particularmente, debido a su característica celular-, encuentra límites a esa propia caracterización organizacional en tanto delinea una política de intervención coyuntural que lo coloca en alianzas con otros actores y modifica, con ello, sus propios caracteres. El corpus documental de esta investigación incluye documentos y prensa partidaria (comunista y de otras agrupaciones políticas o sociales); archivos personales, autobiografías y entrevistas. La codificación permitió un ordenamiento de los datos extraídos de los documentos relevados, agrupándolos, según similitudes o diferencias relevantes en categorías que hicieron posible su análisis

Partidos, tradiciones y estrategias de movilización social : De la Junta de la Victoria a la Unión de Mujeres de la Argentina

Este trabajo analiza el surgimiento de la Unión de Mujeres de la Argentina (UMA). El disparador es comprender cómo un proyecto del Partido Comunista Argentino desbordó los límites partidarios intentando constituirse como un movimiento de masas femenino. La atención se colocará sobre el hecho de que este conjunto de mujeres rescató una experiencia de movilización que las precedió: la Junta de la Victoria (JV). La UMA capitalizó en el contexto de los primeros años del gobierno peronista (1947-1949) varias propuestas de la JV durante la entreguerras. Así logró movilizar redes de sociabilidad y adhesión que se conjugaron con un proyecto de mujer ciudadana activa y partícipe justificada en la arena política, social y económica desde su lugar de madre. El corpus se compone de entrevistas a dirigentes de ambas agrupaciones y del Partido Comunista así como de recursos escritos tales como diarios y revistas que se pondrán en juego para comprender las complejidad de la temática propuesta

Formación de cuadros y frentes populares : Relaciones de clase y género en el Partido Comunista de Argentina, 1935-1951

Este artículo se enfoca en el estudio del período que corre entre 1935 y 1951 para destacar una de las empresas más importantes del PC a nivel mundial, con substanciales réditos en Argentina: la organización de las mujeres. En particular, nuestro interrogante es de qué modo un partido tradicionalmente considerado de estructuración directa y unitaria, profesional, eminentemente concentrado en la línea de formación ideológica por sobre la electoral, caracterizado por un perfil obrero y fuerte en términos de organización administrativa interna -particularmente, debido a su característica celular-, encuentra límites a esa propia caracterización organizacional en tanto delinea una política de intervención coyuntural que lo coloca en alianzas con otros actores y modifica, con ello, sus propios caracteres. El corpus documental de esta investigación incluye documentos y prensa partidaria (comunista y de otras agrupaciones políticas o sociales); archivos personales, autobiografías y entrevistas. La codificación permitió un ordenamiento de los datos extraídos de los documentos relevados, agrupándolos, según similitudes o diferencias relevantes en categorías que hicieron posible su análisis