En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

English grammar games in primary education

The purpose of this study was to analyse pupils’ English grammar acquisition from competitive and cooperative approaches. After searching a wide range of authors’ contribution to English language learning, grammar acquisition, classroom environment and language games. A hundred and twenty pupils from three schools; two from Ripoll and one from Campdevànol were enrolled in a specific grammar games intervention. This was imparted in three different phases: first of all, I interviewed the three teachers from the three schools, then I put into practice my competitive and cooperative games which I designed especially for this study (all the sessions were carried, assessed and registered by myself); finally, all pupils answered a questionnaire related to their experiences in my grammar games intervention. Analysis of teaching interventions showed that, in terms of English language acquisition, pupils used different strategies to show up understanding and achieve the objective of the game such as: recalling their background knowledge, expressing sentences influenced by their internal language and their mother tongue. Data collected revealed that most difficulties were founded in team work, even more in competitive games. The results also showed that team work is something which has to be developed step by step in order to achieve language learning and all pupils’ active participation successfully.

Postmodifying prepositional phrases in English and Spanish (with special reference to locative postmodifiers)

Prepositional phrases are the commonest kind of postmodification in all registers of English (Biber et al. 1999: 634). The locative ones that can be expanded into a defining relative clause (the books [which are] on the table) are usually expressed by such a construction in Spanish (los libros que están encima de la mesa) or by a phrase introduced by de (los libros de encima de la mesa). Wonder (1979) argues that Spanish allows locative phrases with prepositions other than de in the case of"situaciones"activas"" (el aterrizaje en pleno campo) as against"situaciones estáticas" (*el sofá en la sala), and if the phrase can be given an adverbial rather than, or in addition to, an adjectival interpretation (el ruido en la calle), especially if that phrase implies an alternative location for an object or contrast with another similar object (el sofá en la sala contigua). This paper further investigates this claim and looks at Spanish equivalents of English postmodifying prepositional phrases in general, while proposing an explanation for the choice of these different structures in Spanish based on considerations of lexical density. Resumen: Las frases preposicionales constituyen el tipo más frecuente de posmodificación en todos los registros del inglés (Biber et a. 1999: 634). En el español, las expresiones locativas suelen incorporar un pronombre relativo y un verbo (the books [which are] on the table > los libros que están encima de la mesa), o bien expresarse mediante una frase introducida por la preposición de (los libros de encima de la mesa). Wonder (1979) sostiene que el español permite el uso de preposiciones que no sean de en las frases locativas en el caso de"situaciones"activas"" (el aterrizaje en pleno campo) frente a"situaciones estáticas" (*el sofá en la sala), y también si la frase puede tener una función adverbial antes que, o además de, una interpretación adjetiva (el ruido en la calle), sobre todo si dicha frase encierra la idea de una posición alternativa para un objeto, o bien un contraste con otro objeto similar (el sofá en la sala contigua). El presente estudio pretende examinar este argumento y, además, explorar la posmodificación preposicional en español de un modo más general, a la par que propone una explicación sobre la elección de estructura en español que se basa en el criterio de la densidad léxica.

L'avançament de la introducció d'una llengua estrangera: un fugida cap enrera?

The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

L'avançament de la introducció d'una llengua estrangera: un fugida cap enrera?

The age at which school children begin instruction in the foreign language has been brought forward on two main grounds: (1) young children are better language learners than older children, and (2) bilingualism brings cognitive advantages to children. Both statements are critically analysed in this paper. First of all, recent research findings show that the advantage that younger learners show in a naturalistic language learning situation (or through school immersion) disappears in a formal language learning situation with very limited exposure to the target language. Secondly, the positive effects on cognitive development that have been revealed through research correspond to situations of balanced bilingualism, that is, situations in which children have a high command of the two languages. In contrast, children¿s command of the foreign language in our context is very limited and hence far from the situation of balanced bilingualism (or trilingualism) that is said to bring positive cognitive effects.

En torno a los efectos de la edad en el aprendizaje escolar de una lengua extrangera

The purpose of this article is to treat a currently much debated issue, the effects of age on second language learning. To do so, we contrast data collected by our research team from over one thousand seven hundred young and adult learners with four popular beliefs or generalizations, which, while deeply rooted in this society, are not always corroborated by our data.Two of these generalizations about Second Language Acquisition (languages spoken in the social context) seem to be widely accepted: a) older children, adolescents and adults are quicker and more efficient at the first stages of learning than are younger learners; b) in a natural context children with an early start are more liable to attain higher levels of proficiency. However, in the context of Foreign Language Acquisition, the context in which we collect the data, this second generalization is difficult to verify due to the low number of instructional hours (a maximum of some 800 hours) and the lower levels of language exposure time provided. The design of our research project has allowed us to study differences observed with respect to the age of onset (ranging from 2 to 18+), but in this article we focus on students who began English instruction at the age of 8 (LOGSE Educational System) and those who began at the age of 11 (EGB). We have collected data from both groups after a period of 200 (Time 1) and 416 instructional hours (Time 2), and we are currently collecting data after a period of 726 instructional hours (Time 3). We have designed and administered a variety of tests: tests on English production and reception, both oral and written, and within both academic and communicative oriented approaches, on the learners' L1 (Spanish and Catalan), as well as a questionnaire eliciting personal and sociolinguistic information. The questions we address and the relevant empirical evidence are as follows: 1. "For young children, learning languages is a game. They enjoy it more than adults."Our data demonstrate that the situation is not quite so. Firstly, both at the levels of Primary and Secondary education (ranging from 70.5% in 11-year-olds to 89% in 14-year-olds) students have a positive attitude towards learning English. Secondly, there is a difference between the two groups with respect to the factors they cite as responsible for their motivation to learn English: the younger students cite intrinsic factors, such as the games they play, the methodology used and the teacher, whereas the older students cite extrinsic factors, such as the role of their knowledge of English in the achievement of their future professional goals. 2 ."Young children have more resources to learn languages." Here our data suggest just the opposite. The ability to employ learning strategies (actions or steps used) increases with age. Older learners' strategies are more varied and cognitively more complex. In contrast, younger learners depend more on their interlocutor and external resources and therefore have a lower level of autonomy in their learning. 3. "Young children don't talk much but understand a lot"This third generalization does seem to be confirmed, at least to a certain extent, by our data in relation to the analysis of differences due to the age factor and productive use of the target language. As seen above, the comparably slower progress of the younger learners is confirmed. Our analysis of interpersonal receptive abilities demonstrates as well the advantage of the older learners. Nevertheless, with respect to passive receptive activities (for example, simple recognition of words or sentences) no great differences are observed. Statistical analyses suggest that in this test, in contrast to the others analyzed, the dominance of the subjects' L1s (reflecting a cognitive capacity that grows with age) has no significant influence on the learning process. 4. "The sooner they begin, the better their results will be in written language"This is not either completely confirmed in our research. First of all, we perceive that certain compensatory strategies disappear only with age, but not with the number of instructional hours. Secondly, given an identical number of instructional hours, the older subjects obtain better results. With respect to our analysis of data from subjects of the same age (12 years old) but with a different number of instructional hours (200 and 416 respectively, as they began at the ages of 11 and 8), we observe that those who began earlier excel only in the area of lexical fluency. In conclusion, the superior rate of older learners appears to be due to their higher level of cognitive development, a factor which allows them to benefit more from formal or explicit instruction in the school context. Younger learners, however, do not benefit from the quantity and quality of linguistic exposure typical of a natural acquisition context in which they would be allowed to make use of implicit learning abilities. It seems clear, then, that the initiative in this country to begin foreign language instruction earlier will have positive effects only if it occurs in combination with either higher levels of exposure time to the foreign language, or, alternatively, with its use as the language of instruction in other areas of the curriculum.

Conceptualisation et emploi du passé composé et de l'imparfait en français langue étrangère (L3) au Sri Lanka : l'impact du singhalais langue maternelle (L1) et de l'anglais langue seconde (L2)

Résumé: Notre étude chevauche deux domaines de recherche quasi indissociables : ceux de la linguistique et de la didactique des langues. Comme l'indique le sujet, elle examine la conceptualisation et l'emploi de deux notions aspecto-temporelles du français (le passé composé et l'imparfait), sous l'impact des connaissances grammaticales déjà acquises sur deux autres langues : le singhalais et l'anglais. Notre recherche relève des domaines de la psycholinguistique, de la linguistique acquisitionnelle et de la linguistique comparative. Toutefois, dans le cadre de cette étude, nous examinons ces notions grammaticales françaises et leurs équivalents présumés dans les deux autres langues comme étant des concepts relevant des langues à statuts sociaux spécifiques [à savoir, langue maternelle (L1), langue seconde (L2) et langue étrangère (L3)], dans un contexte particulier d'enseignement/apprentissage et d'acquisition de langue [à savoir, le contexte d'enseignement/apprentissage et d'acquisition du français langue étrangère (FLE) au Sri Lanka]. En ce sens, notre étude est également liée aux domaines de la sociolinguistique et de la didactique des langues, notamment, étrangères. Ce qui pourrait probablement distinguer cette recherche des autres, c'est qu'elle aborde certaines questions linguistiques et didactiques peu étudiées jusqu'ici. Entre autres, l'influence de deux langues sur l'enseignement/apprentissage d'une L3, l'enseignement/apprentissage des langues dans des contextes exolingues et le rôle des transferts dans la conceptualisation des notions grammaticales. Pourtant, lorsque nous avons choisi le contexte d'apprentissage du FLE au Sri Lanka comme terrain de recherche, nous avons également visé d'autres objectifs : examiner les systèmes verbaux de trois langues dont l'imbrication n'a pas encore été objet d'étude ; examiner le système verbal aspecto-temporel peu explicité du singhalais à la lumière des descriptions linguistiques occidentales ; vérifier certains préjugés concernant les liens de proximité et de distance entre les trois langues choisies et étudier les causes de ces préjugés. Notre corpus provient de plusieurs classes de FLE au Sri Lanka. Le public observé était constitué d'adolescents ou d'adultes bilingues ayant le singhalais en L1 et l'anglais en L2. Les cours choisis se distinguaient les uns des autres par plusieurs critères, mais travaillaient tous sur les notions du passé composé et de l'imparfait. A la conclusion de notre étude, nous avons constaté qu'un nombre important de nos hypothèses initiales se sont avérées véridiques. A titre d'exemples, les transferts entre les langues premières et la langue cible sont récurrents et non négligeables chez l'écrasante majorité des apprenants exolingues observés, et parfois, même chez leurs enseignants; si ces apprenants recourent à ces langues pour étayer leur apprentissage, ni leurs enseignants ni leurs manuels provenant de l'étranger ne les guident dans ce travail; les transferts ayant l'anglais pour origine l'emportent considérablement sur ceux provenant du singhalais. De même, suite à l'analyse contrastive des trois systèmes verbaux aspecto-temporels et à l'analyse du corpus, nous avons également eu un résultat imprévu : contrairement à une représentation répandue chez les apprenants singhalais, il existe des points convergents entre leur L1 et le français ; du moins, au niveau de l'emploi de certains temps du passé. Un fait dont on était jusqu'ici ignorants mais dont on peut sûrement profiter dans les cours de FLE au Sri Lanka. Suite à ces observations et à la fin de notre thèse, nous avons fait quelques recommandations didactiques afin d'améliorer les conditions d'enseignement/apprentissage des langues étrangères, au Sri Lanka et ailleurs. Abstract: Our research is related to the fields of both linguistics and didactics, two research areas which are almost inseparable. As the title shows, the thesis examines the issue of conceptualizing and using of two grammatical (aspectual and temporal) concepts of the French language (le passé composé and l'imparfait), under the influence of previously acquired grammatical knowledge of two other languages: Sinhalese and English. Thus, our research is linked to the domains of psycholinguistics, acquisitional linguistics and comparative linguistics. However, within the framework of this study, we will consider the above-mentioned two French grammatical concepts and their presumed equivalents in the other two languages as concepts belonging to three languages with specific social status [i.e. first language (L1), second language (L2) and foreign language (L3)], taught/learnt/acquired in a particular language teaching/learning context [the context of teaching/learning of French as a foreign language (FFL) in Sri Lanka]. In that sense, our study is also associated with the fields of sociolinguistics and language teaching, especially foreign language teaching. What could probably make this study outstanding is that it studies certain linguistic and didactic issues which have not yet been studied. For example, it examines, among other issues, the following: the influence of two languages (i.e. mother tongue -L1 & second language -L2) on the teaching/learning process of a third language (i.e. foreign language- L3); foreign language teaching and learning in an exolingual context (where the target language is not spoken outside the classroom); the role of language transfers in the process of grammatical notion conceptualization. However, in selecting the FFL teaching/learning context in Sri Lanka as our field of research, we had further objectives in mind : i.e. 1) studying the verb systems of three languages whose combination has never been studied before ; 2) studying the aspectual-temporal formation of the Sinhalese verb system (which is hardly taught explicitly) in the light of the linguistic descriptions of dominant European languages; 3) verifying certain preconceived ideas regarding the proximity and the distance between the three chosen languages, and 4) studying the causes for these preconceptions. Our corpus is obtained from a number of FFL classes in Sri Lanka. The observed student groups consisted of bilingual adolescents and adults whose first language (L1) was Sinhalese and the second language (L2) was English. The observed classes differed in many ways but in each of those classes, a common factor was that the students had been learning some aspect of the two grammatical concepts, le passé composé and l'imparfait. Having completed our study, we now see that a considerable number of our initial hypotheses are proven correct. For example, in the exolingual French language teaching/learning context in Sri Lanka where we carried out our research, language transfers between the first and target languages were recurrent and numerous in the work of the greater majority of the observed language learners, and even their teachers; these transfers were so frequent that they could hardly be ignored during the teaching/learning process ; although learners turned to their first languages to facilitate the learning process of a new language, neither their teachers, nor their text books helped them in this task; the transfers originating from English were far too numerous than those originating from Sinhalese; however, contrary to the popular belief among many Sinhalese learners of French, the contrastive analysis of the three aspectual-temporal verb systems and the study of our corpus helped us in proving that there are common linguistic features between the Sinhalese and the French languages ; at least, when it comes to using some of their past tenses. This is a fact which had been ignored up to now but which could probably be used to improve French teaching/learning in Sri Lanka. Taking all observations into account, we made some pedagogical recommendations in the concluding part of our thesis with the view of improving foreign language teaching/learning in Sri Lanka, and elsewhere.

Building Partnerships and Fostering Activities to Promote English Outside the Classroom

Becoming proficient in at least one foreign language is a target for educational authorities throughout Europe. The question is how we can improve our students’ command of English without increasing the workload on teachers and without much funding. In El Prat de Llobregat, a city located in the vicinity of Barcelona, we have addressed that issue by creating a group of teachers, educational advisors and city council administrators, who have been acting in a coordinated way to enhance English language exposure beyond the classroom. Our interest in promoting English stems from our location: our municipality is situated next to an international airport where finding a job is bound to be dependent on English fluency. We aim to show that, through a network of members at school and administrative levels, an array of meaningful and empowering initiatives can be implemented in a city where resources are scarce and cultural backgrounds diverse.

Assessment in CLIL

The aim of this talk is to explore assessment in higher education and support for learners during their academic education. It investigates the assessment methods that provide success for universities and learners. Universities which implement CLIL should assess learners who would like to attend a programme in English without taking account of their English language qualifications. This assessment should be done in writing, listening and comprehension, speaking and reading and comprehension. In the literature, formative and summative assessments are considered. Formative assessment is ongoing, 'more complex as its intention is to be directly diagnostics with a view to immediately impacting on learner's next steps' (Coyle et al, 2010). Summative assessment occurs at the end of the term or course. McKay, 2006 divides assessment into three phases: design, operationalization and administration phase. If these three phases can't be embedded in the classroom as they are, they can be introduced as a set of questions; why?, how? and what?

Content and Language Integration as a part of a degree reform at Tampere University of Technology

Tampere University of Technology is undergoing a degree reform that started in 2013. One of the major changes in the reform was the integration of compulsory Finnish, Swedish and English language courses to substance courses at the bachelor level. The integration of content and language courses aims at higher quality language learning, more fluency in studies, and increased motivation toward language studies. In addition, integration is an opportunity to optimize the use of resources and to offer courses that are more tailored to the students' field of study and to the skills needed in working life. The reform also aims to increase and develop co-operation between different departments at the university and to develop scientific follow up. This paper gives an overview of the integration process conducted at TUT and gives examples of adjunct CLIL implementations in three different languages.

The pedagogical value of games and songs : The perceptions of teachers

Aquest estudi intenta explorar i descobrir les actituds i creences d’alguns mestres de llengua anglesa de Catalunya sobre la naturalesa dels jocs i les cançons, així com el paper que juguen en les seves aules per ensenyar l’anglès als infants. Les opinions dels mestres de llengua anglesa van ser recollides mitjançant un qüestionari que contenia preguntes sobre els jocs i les cançons i els resultats s’analitzen i s’exposen en aquest estudi.

The application of communicative language teaching : a particular case in a polish primary school

L’objectiu d’aquest estudi és examinar si l’Ensenyament Comunicatiu de la Llengua és usat per les mestres quan duen a terme classes d’anglès com a llengua estrangera en una escola de primària polonesa, amb un context educatiu especial. Aquesta recerca qualitativa analitza cinc conjunts principals d’informació relacionats amb l’ensenyament de la llengua estrangera que caracteritzen l’enfocament de l’Ensenyament Comunicatiu de la Llengua i que estan centrats en: el coneixement i les creences dels mestres sobre l’enfocament de l’Ensenyament Comunicatiu de la Llengua; l’ús de la llengua; els aspectes de la llengua anglesa que s’ensenyen; les característiques de les activitats: i el procés d’ensenyament. Per aquest objectiu, s’ha proporcionat un qüestionari a cada mestra d’anglès i s’han portat a terme algunes observacions d’aula per tal de recollir dades, analitzar-les i extreure’n unes conclusions. Els resultats de la investigació mostren que les mestres d’anglès donen bastant suport a l’enfocament de l’Ensenyament Comunicatiu de la Llengua, així com apliquen força sovint els seus trets característics quan porten a terme les classes.

Use of drama techniques as a methodology to teach english in infant education by teachers in Catalonia

L’aprenentatge de la llengua anglesa com a llengua estrangera és una oportunitat que cada vegada més escoles de Catalunya presenten a l’etapa d’educació Infantil. La metodologia utilitzada per introduir aquesta llengua és variada en cada cas. Aquesta recerca es centra en l’estudi de l’ús de tècniques dramàtiques com a metodologia per ensenyar anglès a infantil. A partir d’un qüestionari contestat per 129 professors d’anglès de Catalunya s’ha analitzat la percepció que tenen sobre les tècniques dramàtiques i la seva utilització. Els resultats mostren una manca de coneixement general sobre la metodologia.

Front Speed of Language Replacement

We use two coupled equations to analyze the space-time dynamics of two interacting languages. Firstly, we introduce a cohabitation model, which is more appropriate for human populations than classical (non-cohabitation) models. Secondly, using numerical simulations we nd the front speed of a new language spreading into a region where another language was previously used. Thirdly, for a special case we derive an analytical formula that makes it possible to check the validity of our numerical simulations. Finally, as an example, we nd that the observed front speed for the spread of the English language into Wales in the period 1961-1981 is consistent with the model predictions. We also nd that the e¤ects of linguistic parameters are much more important than those of parameters related to population dispersal and reproduction. If the initial population densities of both languages are similar, they have no e¤ect on the front speed. We outline the potential of the new model to analyze relationships between language replacement and genetic replacement