911 resultados para Capitalist urbanization
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This thesis demonstrates the exercise of slave labor in the context of free or decent work, in contemporary times, supported by the federal constitution 1988 Brazil than places like fundamentals "the dignity of the human person" and "the social values of work and free enterprise" , and is as fundamental objectives of the Federative Republic of Brazil "build a free, just and united society," "guarantee national development", "eradicate poverty and marginalization and reduce social and regional inequalities", "promote the well all without prejudice of origin, race, sex, color, age and any other forms of discrimination. " It is considered that the analytical work category interacts both conceptually as an integral part of the capitalist development model as a driving force to the definition of State Capable. The panorama of acquired rights and rights infringed upon evidences the presence, or not, of the Brazilian state. Highlights, however, as state functions are being performed under the auspices of the Democratic State of Rights. So the original question that motivated this work is: To what extent the Brazilian government is structured to implement measures that can eradicate modern-day slavery? This question led to questions as: The Brazilian state has never failed in implementing the policy of "eradication to work analogous to slavery"? The answer the research questions were outlined using the dialectical materialist historical method under a sociological perspective in order to draw relationships and interrelationships between the current situation of the concept contemporary slavery and its historical roots. In the theoretical framework considers the conceptual approach regarding the capable state in order to answer the question regarding the eradication policy to contemporary forced labor and the Brazilian nation-state's ability to put it into action. In this sense, it employed concepts such as state, nation-state and capable state, from the interpretations of Bresser-Pereira, including the discussion regarding the formation of the arrangements and conservative and progressive political alliances. The research subject was analyzed from the reports published in 2013 by the Ministry of Labour after the Special Group of the inspection actions for Mobile Inspection (GEFM) to Combat Labour Analogous to Slave. The study of public policies related to the eradication program to work analogous to slavery takes up the discussion regarding the conditionality of free labor, or decent, in contemporary Brazil, and reveals that in Brazil the effectiveness or efficacy of government actions comply with governing the Federal Constitution-88, namely, to preserve "the dignity of the human person" and "the social values of work and free enterprise" is an ongoing process. There are advances, but these are conditioned to Brazil stage in the formation of the nation state and the national society.
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The acronym BRICS was a fad among the media and global investors. Now, the acronym sounds passé. However, the group of countries remains important, from both political and economic reasons. They have a large aggregate size, 28% of the global GDP and 42% of the world’s population, high growth potential due to the current significant misallocation of resources and relatively low stock of human capital, structural transformation is in progress and one of them, China, is taking steps to become a global power and a challenger to the US dominance. This paper provides a brief overview of the five economies, Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. We focus on some aspects of their history, the Chinese initiatives in international finance and geopolitical strategic moves, their growth experience and structural transformation over the last 35 years, trade and investment integration into the global economy and among themselves, the growth challenges faced by their economies and the potential gains to the Brazilian economy from a stronger integration with the other BRICS. In association with its efforts to be a global power, China aims to become a major player in global finance and to achieve the status of global currency for the renminbi, which would be the first currency of an emerging economy to attain such position. Despite the similarities, the BRICS encompass very diverse economies. In the recent decades, China and India showed stellar growth rates. On the other hand, Brazil, Russia and South Africa have expanded just in line with global output growth with the Russian economy exhibiting high volatility. China is by far the largest economy, and South Africa the smallest, the only BRICS economy with a GDP lower than US$ 1 trillion. Russia abandoned communism almost 25 years ago, but reversed many of the privatizations of 90’s. China is still ruled by communism, but has a vibrant private sector and recently has officially declared market forces to play a dominant role in its economy. Brazil, Russia and South Africa are global natural resources powerhouses and commodity exporters while China and India are large commodity importers. Brazil is relatively closed to international trade of goods and services, in marked contrast to the other four economies. Brazil, India and South Africa are dependent on external capital flows whereas China and Russia are capital exporters. India and South Africa have younger populations and a large portion living below the poverty line. Despite its extraordinary growth experience that lifted many millions from poverty, China still has 28% of its population classified as poor. Russia and China have much older populations and one of their challenges is to deal with the effects of a declining labor force in the near future. India, China and South Africa face a long way to urbanization, while Brazil and Russia are already urbanized countries. China is an industrial economy but its primary sector still absorbs a large pool of workers. India is not, but the primary sector employs also a large share of the labor force. China’s aggregate demand structure is biased towards investment that has been driving its expansion. Brazil and South Africa have an aggregate demand structure similar to the developed economies, with private consumption accounting for approximately 70%. The same similarity applies to the supply side, as in both economies the share of services nears 70%. The development problem is a productivity problem, so microeconomic reforms are badly needed to foster long-term growth of the BRICS economies since they have lost steam due a variety of factors, but fundamentally due to slower total factor productivity growth. China and India are implementing ambitious reform programs, while Brazil is dealing with macroeconomic disequilibria. Russia and South Africa remain mute about structural reforms. There are some potential benefits to Brazil to be extracted from a greater economic integration with the BRICS, particularly in natural resources intensive industries and services. Necessary conditions to the materialization of those gains are the removal of the several sources of resource misallocation and strong investment in human capital.
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This paper, first, situates the nation-state historically, as a product of the capitalist revolution. Second, it distinguishes the state (the law system and the organization that guarantees it) from the nation-state or country (the territorial political unit formed by a nation, a state and a territory). Third, it defines nation, civil society and class coalitions, understanding that they are forms of society politically organized, which role is to act as intermediary between society and the state. Fourth, it uses these concepts plus the ones of relative autonomy and of anteriority to understand the ever changing relation between the state and society, where in early moments the state or its elites assumed the lead, and later, as democratization takes place, the protagonist role changed gradually to the people. The paper emphasizes the class coalitions, and argues that behind the two basic forms or economic and political organization of capitalism – developmentalism and economic liberalism – there are the correspondent class coalitions
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This paper distinguishes three types of countries (rich, middle-income, and pre-industrial) and focus on the latter, which, in contrast to the other two, didn’t complete their industrial and capitalist revolutions. Can pre-industrial countries be governed well and embody the principles of consolidated democracies? Today these countries are under pressure from the imperial West to eschew institutions and developmental strategies that, in the past, allowed rich and middle-income countries to industrialize. At the same time, they are pressured by these same Western parties (and by its own people) to be democratic, even though their societies are not mature enough to fulfill that. In fact, no country completed its industrial and capitalist revolution within the framework of even a minimal democracy, suggesting that such demands are unfair. Added to this, pre-industrial countries are extremely difficult to govern because they usually don’t have a strong nation and capable states. This double pressure to renounce development strategies that have worked for the West while being required to become a democracy represents a major obstacle to their development.
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A economia compartilhada teve origem na década de 1990 nos Estados Unidos impulsionada pelos avanços tecnológicos que propiciaram a redução dos custos das transações on-line peer-to-peer (SHIRKY, 2008), viabilizando a criação de novos modelos de negócio baseados na troca e no compartilhamento de bens e serviços entre pessoas desconhecidas (SCHOR, 2015). A economia compartilhada é constituída por práticas comerciais que possibilitam o acesso a bens e serviços, sem que haja, necessariamente, a aquisição de um produto ou troca monetária (BOTSMAN; ROGERS, 2011). Atualmente, a economia compartilhada está tomando forma no Brasil, por meio da expansão de modelos de negócio que visam ao compartilhamento, à troca e à revenda de produtos e serviços. Assim, objetivando expandir o conhecimento sobre este fenômeno econômico, realizou-se um estudo de caso múltiplo em quatro empresas representantes dessa economia, com o objetivo de conhecer os seus modelos de negócio, enfatizando uma abordagem holística para compreender como essas organizações realizam seus negócios (ZOTT; AMIT; MASSA, 2011). Como resultado deste estudo, constata-se que a economia compartilhada abrange uma extensa gama de modelos de negócio (SCHOR, 2014), dentre os quatro casos estudados foram observados três modelos de negócio distintos. Ademais, por meio dos casos estudados, evidencia-se que as empresas da economia compartilhada tendem a desenvolver sinergias com empresas da economia tradicional para garantir sua sustentabilidade, visto que, das quatro empresas estudadas, três já estão desenvolvendo transações business-to-business com parceiros da economia tradicional, constatando-se assim o surgimento de uma economia híbrida constituída pelo mercado capitalista e pelas iniciativas de compartilhamento (RIFKIN, 2014). Todavia, verifica-se que a aproximação com empresas tradicionais não significa o abandono da essência de compartilhamento e sustentabilidade socioambiental, inerentes às propostas de valor das atividades da economia compartilhada.
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A abordagem da Variedades de Capitalismo (VoC) tem se mostrado uma poderosa e influente lente de análise da literatura mais antiga do capitalismo comparativo. Inicialmente concebida para aplicação imediata em economias capitalistas desenvolvidas do Norte, tem sido manejada para explicar aspectos econômicos e institucionais em contextos diversos. O presente trabalho traz como questão a adequação e suficiência dessa abordagem para compreensão de economias em desenvolvimento na América Latina. Partindo de uma aplicação teórica dessa abordagem para analisar as economias políticas da região e procedendo à uma avaliação crítica do sucesso dessa aplicação, a hipótese do presente trabalho é a de que, embora útil para explicar muitos aspectos dessas economias em desenvolvimento, ela é insuficiente e falha na compreensão completa desses capitalismos, sobretudo por não captar o papel preponderante do estado em suas conformações.
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Starting from the perspective of heterodox Keynesian-Minskyian-Kindlebergian financial economics, this paper begins by highlighting a number of mechanisms that contributed to the current financial crisis. These include excess liquidity, income polarisation, conflicts between financial and productive capital, lack of intelligent regulation, asymmetric information, principal-agent dilemmas and bounded rationalities. However, the paper then proceeds to argue that perhaps more than ever the ‘macroeconomics’ that led to this crisis only makes analytical sense if examined within the framework of the political settlements and distributional outcomes in which it had operated. Taking the perspective of critical social theories the paper concludes that, ultimately, the current financial crisis is the outcome of something much more systemic, namely an attempt to use neo-liberalism (or, in US terms, neo-conservatism) as a new technology of power to help transform capitalism into a rentiers’ delight. And in particular, into a system without much ‘compulsion’ on big business; i.e., one that imposes only minimal pressures on big agents to engage in competitive struggles in the real economy (while inflicting exactly the opposite fate on workers and small firms). A key component in the effectiveness of this new technology of power was its ability to transform the state into a major facilitator of the ever-increasing rent-seeking practices of oligopolistic capital. The architects of this experiment include some capitalist groups (in particular rentiers from the financial sector as well as capitalists from the ‘mature’ and most polluting industries of the preceding techno-economic paradigm), some political groups, as well as intellectual networks with their allies – including most economists and the ‘new’ left. Although rentiers did succeed in their attempt to get rid of practically all fetters on their greed, in the end the crisis materialised when ‘markets’ took their inevitable revenge on the rentiers by calling their (blatant) bluff.
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GOMES, Z. B. ; LOURENÇO, André Luís Cabral de . Atuação do Estado como empregador de última Instância: uma proposta para eliminar o desemprego estrutural do Brasil. In: Encontro Nacional de Economia Política, 13. 2008, João Pessoa/PB. Anais... João Pessoa: ENEP, 2008.
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Tourism in the Northeast of Brazil was introduced as an alternative economic development for the Region by federal promoting policies that focused primarily in structuring the local geographic area. With the completion of these structuring actions, mass tourism expanding the area, as well as spread actions based on cooperation and formalization of governance institutions. This study aimed to examine the relationship between the life cycle of the tourism product 'Coastal Cities of Natal and the cooperation strategies in a historical perspective. Thus was submitted to the life cycle of the tourism product 'Coastal Cities of Natal ; the major projects of tourism development were mapped, the existing cooperation strategies were characterized, and investigated the influence of the cooperation actions for the current stage of product. The specific theoretical support to tourism was built on the perspective of the Theory of Population Ecology, System of Tourism and Touristic Product Life Cycle. Regarding to cooperation the theoretical foundation addressed issues of strategy, New Forms and Collective Efficiency. The survey consisted of a causal descriptive study, using a case study. We used the qualitative and quantitative methodological approaches, and data collected by consulting of secondary data and semistructured interviews with twelve staff working in tourism in Natal. Results showed that the life cycle graph of product 'Coastal Cities of Natal is moving from one stage of growth to a stage of maturity, with a primary upward trend and with crises that are up over the graph. They have been mapped six of tourism development projects of relevance to the product: The Politics of Mega Projects, PRODETUR/NE, Municipalization National Program of Tourism, Regionalization Program, Urbanization Project Beach do Meio and Actions for the Promotion of Destiny. They have been identified sixty-four participating players in process of tourism development, which twenty were considered relevant to the respondents. The main strategies identified for cooperation were the consortium, collective strategy and clusters. Results indicated that co-operation strategies were adopted so that the benefits were obtained at the collective level, dedicated to the strengthening of Natal Destiny and its products. The main reasons were the need of cooperative marketing, international market entry and actions inducing the state. Finally, it was concluded that strategies for cooperation related to product life cycle 'Coastal Cities of Natal' as that work in the consolidation of projects for development of tourism, when the efficiency of collective action is achieved
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Some protected special spaces on behalf of fundamental rights to the environment and the housing at the city of Natal are fragile by facing actions and attempts to suppress and changing (or omission in the implementation) of standards in furtherance of those rights at the local level, which seems to reflect a situation that goes beyond the context of the city. Based on integrated approach of the housing rights and the environment and its protection of special spaces on the field of fundamental rights, the thesis seeks to understand the weaknesses that affect the legal state duty under the realization/implementation of fundamental rights to the environment and housing in cities, focusing on the issues of flexibility of the founding legislation of special spaces to the detriment of the attributes they protected and the lack of implementation of the legal system that allows their effectiveness. So, it looks initially to understand the environment and housing rights and their special protected areas in the brazilian legal system, looking forward the evolution of its legal protection, as well as the weaknesses that emerge in the field of their effectiveness. Analyzing the trajectory of the environment and housing rights and their special protected areas in Natal, considering its standards, attributes, protection indicators, weaknesses and negative evidence within its legal protections and their enforcement by state entity, this thesis proposes to verify the existence of forms to confronting the weaknesses founded in the maintenance of legal protection and its implementation. At this point it discusses the legal basis and safeguard instruments of protection, especially within the juridical field, as part of a (re)discussion about issues of legislative and administrative discretion in the face of objective legal state duty to realization/implementation of fundamental rights in the urban space. With all these issues together the thesis does not ignore the scenario where the dividing line between public and private (economic) are becoming ever more tenuous in the field of state action and where the city stands as a special commodity to the reproduction of real estate, according to the interests of capitalist logic
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The worldwide transformations that took place in the 20th century redefined the cities fate in this new century. The consolidation of urbanization, the technological revolution that fostered globalization, the economic restructuration and informalization, modified space and time concepts, bringing populations closer together and provoking political transformations. They made contemporaries cities protagonists of world events and as a consequence of such processes, worthlessness spaces appeared and cities all over the world started to bet on the strategy of acting in this problematic areas through initiatives aimed at promoting intentional transformations to obtain a multidimensional valorization urban, financial, environmental, cultural and social. In short, such urban initiatives intend to make cities more competitive, sustainable, creative, productive and fair. Also in Brazil, countless worthless spaces appeared in waterfronts, central areas, and deactivated industrial/urbanized areas, as well as in sub-used or misused areas lacking infrastructure and public services where it is imperative and urgent to perform urban initiatives. This research proposes as a thesis that urban initiatives, when carried out based on an adequate politicalinstitutional model, transform and give value to worthless spaces in their multiple dimensions, offering better quality of life to their residents and helping to fulfill the social role of the city. We intend to prove this thesis through the analysis of national and international cases and by introducing thoughts, critique and guidelines as a contribution to the improvement of the urban initiatives implementation processes, in particular to those regarding worthless areas of Brazilian cities
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O presente trabalho intitulado Uma viagem insólita: de um território pesqueiro a um paraíso turístico tem como objetivo buscar compreender e interpretar as mudanças socioespaciais que ocorreram na Praia da Pipa/RN, decorrentes da expansão da atividade turística e seus reflexos no território, no período compreendido entre os anos de 1970 e os dias atuais, recorrendo-se a fontes bibliográficas, entrevistas e observações in loco, além de levantamento de dados secundários, cartográficos e fotográficos. Reporta à nova territorialidade que emergiu com a expansão da atividade turística para o litoral norte-rio-grandense, atraída pela praia e pelo sol, que fez convergir para essa área, produtores e consumidores não apenas locais, mas também regionais, nacionais e internacionais. Do ponto de vista social, a população nativa vem sendo expropriada de seus espaços, da sua cultura, das suas tradições e, até mesmo, do mercado de trabalho, o que vem provocando um processo de desterritorialização e o surgimento de novas territorialidades marcadas pela atividade turística. A expansão da atividade turística em Pipa/RN, a partir de 1970, tem provocado um processo de construção de um novo território o território turístico que se reflete dialeticamente através do surgimento de um novo cenário socioespacial constituído de formas e imagens expressas materialmente no lugar
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The `Outorga Onerosa do Direito de Construir - OODC` (Public Concession of Building Rights), instrument instituted by The City Statute in 2001, has as main objective the recovery of urban property, seeking for a fair distribution the urbanization benefits. The possibility of usage of the OODC instrument is linked to the maximum utilization coefficient, determined to specific areas in accordance to existing infrastructure conditions, further taking into account the formal real estate market, expansion axis and crowding. Being an instrument which establishes values to be paid for a better use of land, it maintains a narrow relation to the real estate, incentivizing or discouraging the crowding in specific areas. The present study investigates the relationship between the criteria for the making of the Public Concession of Building Rights instrument and the dynamics of the formal real estate market. It takes as empiric universe Parnamirim (RN), part of the Natal Metropolitan Area (RN), focusing on the application of the OODC in the period of 2008-2010. It seeks to better understand the necessary basis for the formulation of the instrument, about how it works and its relation to the formal real estate market. It aims to depict the formal real estate market by presenting the production of urban space in Parnamirim in terms of intensity and nature of the real estate, furthermore identifying the licensed properties through the application of the municipality instrument. For the conclusion, it is discussed the criteria for the formation of OODC, its relationship to the dynamics of the formal real estate market and its influencing possibilities in the processes of usage and occupation of land in the context of urban planning