Casa Caldesi. Un'ipotesi di restauro per il complesso architettonico faentino

Il Palazzo è un'architettura ben presente nell’immaginario collettivo soprattutto per il fatto che sia comunemente indicato come l’antica dimora dei Manfredi, signori della città. Tanto importante da sollevare sulla stampa locale periodiche ondate di indignazione per il suo stato di abbandono. Il recente studio di Lucio Donati dimostra come gli antichi proprietari fossero in realtà i Bazolini prima e i Viarani poi. A conclusione dell’articolo proponeva quindi di chiamare il fabbricato secondo il nome dei reali proprietari. In questa tesi ho deciso invece di chiamare il fabbricato con il nome di Casa Caldesi. Il precario stato di conservazione indica l’urgenza di un pronto intervento di restauro. Questa tesi propone una delle possibili ipotesi di progetto. Visto lo stato delle cose ho scelto un progetto di restauro che prevedesse una funzione mista residenziale e ad uffici. Mantenendo lungo via Manfredi le vetrine e quindi la funzione commerciale al dettaglio negli spazi che già una volta ospitavano i negozi. Il progetto si è soffermato in particolare nel disegno delle residenze. L’obiettivo di ripristinare i grandi ambienti decorati è stato rispettato attraverso un paziente lavoro di distribuzione capace di conservare e valorizzare la bellezza dei locali, senza perdere i requisiti di funzionalità e comodità adeguati alle moderne residenze. Questa scelta funzionale anche se può sembrare scontata e compatibile con un palazzo che da sempre è stata una residenza, presenta tuttavia alcune problematiche. L’ipotesi di restauro quindi si pone il problema di organizzare gli spazi del palazzo in appartamenti ed uffici, ripristinare la spazialità di tutti i grandi ambienti decorati e renderli compatibili con le esigenze abitative odierne.

Ina-casa la fiorita. Strategie di rigenerazione urbana per un riuso condiviso.

Gran parte del patrimonio edilizio italiano è costituito da un'edilizia minore realizzata per lo più negli anni successivi al secondo dopoguerra. Una delle più significative esperienze di ricostruzione è rappresentata dai quartieri Ina-Casa, che oltre a rispondere all'elevata richiesta abitativa, hanno contribuito a dare una forma all'espansione disorganizzata delle città e si sono rivelati l'ultima vera occasione per gli architetti di essere protagonisti della storia nazionale. Tuttavia, ad oggi, manca la consapevolezza diffusa del grande valore storico, identitario e patrimoniale di queste porzioni di città e della necessità di un congruo intervento di valorizzazione e riqualificazione. Specialmente nelle piccole realtà, come Cesena, questo ha comportato una forte alterazione dei caratteri originari secondo scelte arbitrarie ed interventi disomogenei. A seguito dell'analisi approfondita della piccola unità di vicinato della Fiorita, si è deciso di adottare un approccio metodologico diversificato tra aspetti urbanistici e relativi al singolo alloggio. Da una parte è stato elaborato un progetto urbanistico che tenesse conto di tutte le specificità del luogo, in particolare della presenza di una popolazione residente molto attiva e determinata nella valorizzazione del proprio quartiere. Dall'altra è stato redatto un manuale di possibili interventi, pensati per rispondere alle attuali esigenze estetiche, prestazionali e funzionali dell'alloggio, corredato da un sistema incentivante a punteggio. Nell'insieme questa esperienza evidenzia le potenzialità di un progetto di rigenerazione urbana che può essere sperimentato anche in altri contesti della città.

Italia: La chiusura della Casa dell’Emigrante come spunto riflessione sui rientri degli emigrati italiani

In the literature on migration, as well as in social policies regarding this phenomenon, the situation of returning emigrants receives scant attention. This essay establishes an intricate connection between attitudes and policies that prevail in a country regarding emigration and those concerning immigration. The case of Italy provides a prime example for this as it once was a classical country of emigration, only to turn, in recent decades, into a country that appears highly attractive (and relatively accessible) to immigrants. The essay traces the pervasive ambiguity that characterizes this country’s attitudes towards emigration from the beginning of mass emigration shortly after the unification of Italy in 1868 to the emigration policies of the fascist regime of Mussolini and the post-World War II waves of emigration right through to the corresponding ambiguity concerning the status of immigrants in contemporary society, including the indifferent treatment of returning Italian emigrants who constitute a considerable numerical phenomenon. These reflections take their origin from the impending closure of a reception centre in Lazio, the Casa dell’Emigrante near Sant’Elia Fiumerapido, Province of Frosinone, ostensibly for financial reasons. This centre had been the only one of its kind in the whole of Italy dealing officially with the needs of repatriated Italians. It had assisted returning emigrants both with practical matters, such as negotiating the labyrinth of Italian bureaucracy , and with psychological implications of a return, which are often considerable given the time lag of experiences with current social realities and the frequently unrealistic expectations associated with the return. Questions of identity become highly acute in those circumstances. The threatened closure of the centre illustrates the unwillingness of the state to face up to the factual prevalence of migratory experiences in the country as a whole and as a core element of national history, experiences of migration in both directions. The statistics speak for themselves: of the 4.660.427 persons who left Italy between 1880 and 1950, 2.322.451 have returned, almost exactly 50%. To those have to be added 3.628.430 returnees of the 5.109.860 emigrants who left Italy between the end of World War II and 1976 for Europe alone. Attitudes towards people leaving changed ostensibly over time. In the first two decades after Unification parliament on the one hand wanted to show some concern over the fate of its citizens, not wanting to abandon those newly created citizens entirely to their own destiny, while on the other portraying their decisions to emigrate as expressions of individual liberty and responsibility and not necessitated by want and poverty. Emigrants had to prove, paradoxically that they had the requisite means to emigrate when in fact poverty was largely driving them to emigrate. To admit that publicly would have amounted to admission of economic and political failure made evident through emigration. In contrast to that Mussolini’s emigration policies not only enforced large population movements within the territory of Italy to balance unemployment between regions and particularly between North and South, but also declared it citizen’s duty to be ready to move also to the colonies, thereby ‘turning emigration as a sign of social crisis into a sign of national strength and the success of the country’s political agenda’ (Gaspari 2001, p. 34). The duplicity continued even after World War II when secret deals were done with the USA to allow a continuous flow of Italian immigrants and EU membership obviously further facilitated the departure of unemployed, impoverished Italians. With the growing prosperity of Italy the reversal of the direction of migration became more obvious. On the basis of empirical research conducted by one of the author on returning emigrants four types of motives for returning can be distinguished: 1. Return as a result of failure – particularly the emigrants who left during the 1950-1970 period usually had no linguistic preparation, and in any case the gap between the spoken and the written language is enormous with the latter often being insurmountable. This gives rise to nostalgic sentiments which motivates a return into an environment where language is familiar 2. Return as a means of preserving an identity – the life of emigrants often takes place within ghetto-like conditions where familiarity is being reproduced but under restricted conditions and hence not entirely authentic. The necessity for saving money permits only a partial entry into the host society and at the same time any accumulating savings add to the desire to return home where life can be lived fully again – or so it seems. 3. Return of investment – the impossibility to become fully part of another society often motivates migrants to accumulate not so much material wealth but new experiences and competences which they then aim to reinvest in their home country. 4. Return to retire – for many emigrants returning home becomes acute once they leave a productive occupation and feelings of estrangement build up, in conjunction with the efforts of having invested in building a house back home. All those motives are associated with a variety of difficulties on the actual return home because, above all, time in relation to the country of origin has been suspended for the emigrant and the encounter with the reality of that country reveals constant discrepancies and requires constant readjustment. This is where the need for assistance to returning emigrants arises. The fact that such an important centre of assistance has been closed is further confirmation of the still prevailing politics of ambiguity which nominally demand integration from nationals and non-nationals alike but deny the means of achieving this. Citizenship is not a natural result of nationality but requires the means for active participation in society. Furthermore, the experiences of returning immigrants provide important cues for the double ambivalence in which immigrants to Italy live between the demands made on them to integrate, the simultaneous threats of repatriation and the alienation from the immigrants’ home country which grows inexorably during the absence. The state can only regain its credibility by putting an end to this ambiguity and provide to returning emigrants, and immigrants alike, the means of reconstructing strong communal identities.

Der Wert einer Casa efémera

Der Beitrag erläutert unter dem Blickwinkel der Nützlichkeit ephemerer Bauweisen das Tagungszentrum für die europäische Ratspräsidentschaft Portugals 2007 von Baixa - Atelier de Arquitectura.

Adjuvant pegylated liposomal doxorubicin for older women with endocrine nonresponsive breast cancer who are NOT suitable for a "standard chemotherapy regimen": the CASA randomized trial

There is no optimal treatment for breast cancers lacking estrogen (ER) and progesterone (PgR) receptors in elderly women with co-morbidities that prevent use of "standard chemotherapy regimens" such as AC or CMF. The CASA trial studied pegylated liposomal doxorubicin (PLD) and low dose, metronomic cyclophosphamide + methotrexate (CM) for older (>65), vulnerable women with operable, ER and PgR-negative breast cancer. After two years the trial closed early, due to slow and inadequate accrual, with 77 patients (38:PLD, 36:CM, 3:nil). Sixty-eight percent completed PLD; 83% completed CM (both 16 weeks). Patients on PLD reported worse quality of life, cognitive and physical functioning than non-PLD regimens (primarily CM). At a median follow-up of 42 months, 81% of randomized patients remained free of any breast cancer recurrence. Based on our limited experience, PLD and CM may be reasonable options for further study for elderly vulnerable patients with endocrine nonresponsive breast cancer.

Il tempio d'Israele : inaugurandosi dall comunione israelitica d'Ivrea una nuova casa di preghiera la sera del 24 settembre 1875

versi di Raffaele Treves

Sin trabajo y sin casa. Subjetividades de la exclusión social. En: Avá, nº 15.

: Este estudio aborda la problemática de la exclusión laboral y habitacional, considerando que para quienes las padecen, la exclusión del trabajo (en términos de empleo) y de condiciones dignas de habitación, implica una condición estigmatizante y deshonrosa que se desea abandonar, pero paradójicamente, visibizar esta condición, puede constituir un paso para la superación de la misma, a través de la obtención de planes laborales o de asistencia habitacional. De esta forma se constituye una tensión que estructura los procesos de subjetivación y en consecuencia los modos de socialización de quienes atraviesan situaciones de exclusión del hábitat y el trabajo. Este trabajo se realizó sobre la base de las entrevistas en profundidad a informantes que han vivido carencias de casa y trabajo. En ellas se privilegió la narración de las vivencias y definiciones propias de los actores.

Revista de historia de las ideas. Ecuador, Casa de la Cultura Ecuatoriana-Centro de Estudios Latinoamericanos, Pontificia Universidad Católica del Ecuador, n. 8, Segunda época, 1987, 268 pp.

Fil: Jalif de Bertranou, Clara Alicia.