903 resultados para Architecture -- England -- London -- 19th century


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The project comprises of the re-ordering and extension of a 19th century country house in the extreme south west of Ireland. The original house is what can be termed an Irish house of the middle size. A common typology in 19th century Ireland the classical house of the middle size is characterised by a highly ordered plan containing a variety of rooms within a square or rectangular form. A strategy of elaborating the threshold between the reception rooms of the house and the garden was adopted by wrapping the house in a notional forest of columns creating deep verandas to the south and west
of the main living spaces. The grid of structural columns derived its proportions directly from the house. The columns became analogous with the mature oak and pine trees in the garden beyond while the floor and ceiling were considered as landscapes in their own right, with the black floor forming hearth stone, kitchen island and basement cellar and the concrete roof inflected to hold roof lights, a chimney and a landscape of pleasure on the roof above.

Aims / Objectives / Questions
1To restore and extend a “house of the middle size”, a historic Irish typology, in a sympathetic manner.
2To address the new build accommodation in a sustainable manner through strategies associated with orientation, micro climates, materiality and engineering both mechanical and structural.
3To explore and develop an understanding for two spatial orders, the enfilade room and non directional space of the grid.
4The creation of deep threshold space.
5Marbling as a finish in fair faced concrete
6Concrete as a sustainable building material

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The article opens with the introduction of Joel Chandler Harris and his literary output. As one of “local colourists,” Harris depicted American plantation life in 19th-century Georgia and included many cultural as well as folk elements in his works. The following analysis of his stories about Uncle Remus focuses on (1) the levels of narration; (2) the linguistic complexity of the text (the stories abound in slang and dialectal expressions); (3) the form; and (4) the folklore value. These four aspects guide the discussion of the only Polish translation of the Uncle Remus stories. Prepared by Wladyslawa Wielinska in 1929, it was addressed to children. Therefore, the article aims to determine the profile of the translation as a children’s book, to consider it in relation to the skopos of the source text and to establish the extent to which it preserved the peculiar character of the Uncle Remus stories.

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Global climate changes during the Quaternary reveal much about broader evolutionary effects of environmental change. Detailed regional studies reveal how evolutionary lineages and novel communities and ecosystems, emerge through glacial bottlenecks or from refugia. There have been significant advances in benthic imaging and dating, particularly with respect to the movements of the British (Scottish) and Irish ice sheets and associated changes in sea level during and after the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM). Ireland has been isolated as an island for approximately twice as long as Britain with no evidence of any substantial, enduring land bridge between these islands after ca 15 kya. Recent biogeographical studies show that Britain's mammal community is akin to those of southern parts of Scandinavia, The Netherlands and Belgium, but the much lower mammal species richness of Ireland is unique and needs explanation. Here, we consider physiographic, archaeological, phylogeographical i.e. molecular genetic, and biological evidence comprising ecological, behavioural and morphological data, to review how mammal species recolonized western Europe after the LGM with emphasis on Britain and, in particular, Ireland. We focus on why these close neighbours had such different mammal fauna in the early Holocene, the stability of ecosystems after LGM subject to climate change and later species introductions.

There is general concordance of archaeological and molecular genetic evidence where data allow some insight into history after the LGM. Phylogeography reveals the process of recolonization, e.g. with respect to source of colonizers and anthropogenic influence, whilst archaeological data reveal timing more precisely through carbon dating and stratigraphy. More representative samples and improved calibration of the ‘molecular clock’ will lead to further insights with regards to the influence of successive glaciations. Species showing greatest morphological, behavioural and ecological divergence in Ireland in comparison to Britain and continental Europe, were also those which arrived in Ireland very early in the Holocene either with or without the assistance of people. Cold tolerant mammal species recolonized quickly after LGM but disappeared, potentially as a result of a short period of rapid warming. Other early arrivals were less cold tolerant and succumbed to the colder conditions during the Younger Dryas or shortly after the start of the Holocene (11.5 kya), or the area of suitable habitat was insufficient to sustain a viable population especially in larger species. Late Pleistocene mammals in Ireland were restricted to those able to colonize up to ca 15 kya, probably originating from adjacent areas of unglaciated Britain and land now below sea level, to the south and west (of Ireland). These few, early colonizers retain genetic diversity which dates from before the LGM. Late Pleistocene Ireland, therefore, had a much depleted complement of mammal species in comparison to Britain.

Mammal species, colonising predominantly from southeast and east Europe occupied west Europe only as far as Britain between ca 15 and 8 kya, were excluded from Ireland by the Irish and Celtic Seas. Smaller species in particular failed to colonise Ireland. Britain being isolated as an island from ca. 8 kya has similar species richness and composition to adjacent lowland areas of northwest continental Europe and its mammals almost all show strongest genetic affinity to populations in neighbouring continental Europe with a few retaining genotypes associated with earlier, western lineages.

The role of people in the deliberate introduction of mammal species and distinct genotypes is much more significant with regards to Ireland than Britain reflecting the larger species richness of the latter and its more enduring land link with continental Europe. The prime motivation of early people in moving mammals was likely to be resource driven but also potentially cultural; as elsewhere, people exploring uninhabited places introduced species for food and the materials they required to survive. It is possible that the process of introduction of mammals to Ireland commenced during the Mesolithic and accelerated with Neolithic people. Irish populations of these long established, introduced species show some unique genetic variation whilst retaining traces of their origins principally from Britain but in some cases, Scandinavia and Iberia. It is of particular interest that they may retain genetic forms now absent from their source populations. Further species introductions, during the Bronze and late Iron Ages, and Viking and Norman invasions, follow the same pattern but lack the time for genetic divergence from their source populations. Accidental introductions of commensal species show considerable genetic diversity based on numerous translocations along the eastern Atlantic coastline. More recent accidental and deliberate introductions are characterised by a lack of genetic diversity other than that explicable by more than one introduction.

The substantial advances in understanding the postglacial origins and genetic diversity of British and Irish mammals, the role of early people in species translocations, and determination of species that are more recently introduced, should inform policy decisions with regards to species and genetic conservation. Conservation should prioritise early, naturally recolonizing species and those brought in by early people reflecting their long association with these islands. These early arrivals in Britain and Ireland and associated islands show genetic diversity that may be of value in mitigating anthropogenic climate change across Europe. In contrast, more recent introductions are likely to disturb ecosystems greatly, lead to loss of diversity and should be controlled. This challenge is more severe in Ireland where the number and proportion of invasive species from the 19th century to the present has been greater than in Britain.

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We find that regional height levels around the world were fairly uniform throughout most of the 19th century, with two exceptions: above-average levels in Anglo-Saxon settlement regions and below-average levels in Southeast Asia. After 1880, substantial diver- gences began to differentiate other regions -- making the world population taller, but more unequal. During the late 19th century and 20th century, heights between world regions devi- ated significantly, when incomes also became very unequal. Interestingly, during the “breaking point period” between the two regimes, heights declined significantly in the cattle-rich New World countries, whereas they started to increase in Old Europe. We discuss in this study whether immigration was a core factor to influence the height decline in the “Anthropometric Decline of the Cowboy and Gaucho Empires”.

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Average height is an important indicator of people’s well-being. It is also a relatively undistorted and easy-to-measure indicator, which makes it particularly suitable for comparisons across time and space. Drawing upon an extensive body of research, the chapter describes the strengths and weaknesses of this indicator. It finds that during the 19th century, average height in Western Offshoots was much higher than elsewhere. Differences between Western Europe and the rest of the world (Eastern Europe, East Asia) were marginal, in spite of the much higher real incomes in the former region. This changed after about 1870, when people’s height began to increase in Western Europe, whereas this lagged behind elsewhere. Africans were relatively tall during much of the period studied, but experienced declining height in many countries after the 1960s. People in Southeast Asia stayed relatively short throughout the period.

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As a consequence of climate change there is now a more frequent occurrence of extreme rainfall events where, with higher rates of urbanisation, the built environment has become increasingly affected by flooding.. This is of particular importance in relation to the stability of bridge structures that span rivers and canals etc. In November 2009, the UK and Ireland were subjected to extraordinarily severe weather conditions for several days. The rainfall was logged as the highest level of rainfall ever recorded within the UK, and as a direct consequence, unprecedented flooding occurred in Cumbria. This flooding led to the collapse of three road bridges which were generally 19th century masonry arch bridges, with relatively shallow foundations. In the UK, knowledge of the combined effect of bridge scouring and inundation has been not been particularly widely studied. Research carried out by Hamill et al [1] considered the hydraulic analysis of single arch bridges under flood conditions, but no consideration was given towards the likely damage to these structures due to scouring. Prior to this, Bierry and Delleur [2] produced a classic paper in predicting the discharge downstream of an inundated arch, focussing on predicting afflux as opposed to bridge scour. Further work on backwater effects was carried out by Martin-Vide & Prio [3] in semi-circular arch bridges. Both pressurized and free-surface flows at the bridge were investigated. Flows on a mobile bed in clear-water conditions were compared to those with a rigid bed, but no predictive equation for scour under pressurised conditions was considered. This paper will present initial findings from an experimental investigation into the effects of surcharged flow and subsequent scour within the vicinity of single span arch bridges. Velocities profiles will be shown within the vicinity of the arch, in addition to the depth of clear water scour, for a series of flows and model spans. The data will be presented, where results will be correlated to the most recent predictive equations that are proposed.

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This paper investigates the potential for the reuse of Belfast's existing Victorian terraced housing. The aim is to study methods behind retrofitting these unique pieces of architectural heritage, bringing them up to modern day standards with reduced energy costs and CO2 emissions in line with the Climate Change Act of 2008 (‘the Act’). It also highlights the characteristics of sustainable retrofitting examples and original prefabricated element, which enable the 19th-century properties to be re-adapted to suit modern day needs. The analysis builds on a report by Mark Hines Architects, in association with SAVE Britain's Heritage,1 in which the company explains the detrimental effect that the ‘Pathfinder’ scheme has had on English cities. Similarly, in Belfast, redevelopment schemes such as that in the ‘Village’ district have intended to replace undervalued terraced housing stock, and search for more sustainable options to retain these homes along with with the embodied energy and traditions attached to them.

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As a consequence of increased levels of flooding, largely attributable to urbanization of watersheds (and perhaps climate change, more frequent extreme rainfall events are occurring and threatening existing critical infrastructure. Many of which are short-span bridges over relatively small waterways (e.g., small rivers, streams and canals). Whilst these short-span bridges were designed, often many years ago, to pass relatively minor the then standard return-period floods, in recenttimes the failure incidence of such short-span bridges has been noticeably increasing. This is suggestive of insufficient hydraulic capacity or alternative failure mechanism not envisaged at the time of design e.g. foundation scour or undermining. This paper presen ts, and draws lessons, from bridge failures in Ireland and the USA. For example, in November 2009, the UK and Ireland were subjected to extraordinarily severe weather conditions for several days. The resulting flooding led to the collapse of three UK bridges that were generally 19th century masonry arch bridges, withrelatively shallow foundations. Parallel failure events have been observed in the USA. To date, knowledge of the combined effect of waterway erosion, bridge submergence, and geotechnical collapse has not been adequately studied. Recent research carried out considered the hydraulic analysis of short span bridges under flood conditions, but no consideration was given towards the likely damage to these structures due to erosive coupling of hydraulic and geotechnical factors. Some work has been done to predict the discharge downstream of an inundated arch, focusing onpredicting afflux, as opposed to bridge scour, under both pressurized and free-surface flows, but no ! predictive equation for scour under pressurized conditions was ever considered. The case studies this paper presents will be augmented by the initial findings from the laboratory experiments investigating the effects of surcharged flow and subsequent scour within the vicinity of single span arch bridges. Velocities profiles will be shown within the vicinity of the arch, in addition to the depth of consequent scour, for a series of flows and model spans. The data will be presented and correlated to the most recent predictive equations for submerged contraction and abutment scour. The accuracy of these equations is examined, and the findings used as a basis for developing further studies in relation to short span bridges.

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Lumbricus rubellus Hoffmeister, inhabiting soil at the 19th century Devon Great Consols mine at Tavistock, Devon, UK, show high tolerance to Cu- and As-toxicity and frequently have a striking yellow coloration. Specimens from this site (mature and immature) and from an uncontaminated site on Lancaster University campus (mature) were photographed, and the slide images digitized and analyzed. All L. rubellus showed reddish-purple pigmentation of the body wall that declined in intensity posteriorly. The metal- and metalloid-resistant earthworms, whether mature or immature, showed yellowing in the posterior half of the body. The source of the coloration was intense yellow pigmentation of the chloragogenous tissue surrounding the alimentary canal. The yellow pigmentation is masked by reddish-purple body wall pigmentation anteriorly. Total As concentrations in tissues were determined for the anterior, middle and posterior sections of resistant and non-resistant L. rubellus. Highest concentrations were in the middle sections of the mature and immature resistant L. rubellus (36.17 ± 19.77 and 27.77 ± 9.02 mg As kg-1, respectively). Resistant immature L. rubellus lost condition over 28 d in soil treated with 750 mg As kg-1, possibly due to a higher metabolism, whilst there was no loss in condition for resistant mature L. rubellus in the treated soil. As far as the authors are aware, this is the first report of yellow pigmentation of this kind in earthworms. The pigmentation may provide a useful indicator of exposure/resistance to soil contamination. © 2002 Elsevier Science Ltd. All rights reserved.

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In the 19th century, firms operating in the Anglo-Indian tea trade were organised using a variety ownership forms including the partnership, joint-stock and a combination of the two known as the Managing agency. Faced with both an increasing need for fixed capital and high agency costs caused by the distance between owners and managers, the firms adapted and increasingly adopted the hybrid managing agency model to overcome these problems. Using new data from Calcutta and Bengal Commercial Registers and detailed case studies of the Assam Company and Gillanders, Arbuthnot and Co, this paper demonstrates that British entrepreneurs did not see the choice of ownership as a dichotomy or firm boundaries as fixed, but instead innovatively drew on the strengths of different forms of ownership to compete and grow successfully.

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Southern Hemisphere westerly airflow has a significant influence on the ocean–atmosphere system of the mid- to high latitudes with potentially global climate implications. Unfortunately, historic observations only extend back to the late 19th century, limiting our understanding of multi-decadal to centennial change. Here we present a highly resolved (30-year) record of past westerly wind strength from a Falkland Islands peat sequence spanning the last 2600 years. Situated within the core latitude of Southern Hemisphere westerly airflow (the so-called furious fifties), we identify highly variable changes in exotic pollen and charcoal derived from South America which can be used to inform on past westerly air strength. We find a period of high charcoal content between 2000 and 1000 cal. years BP, associated with increased burning in Patagonia, most probably as a result of higher temperatures and stronger westerly airflow. Spectral analysis of the charcoal record identifies a pervasive ca. 250-year periodicity that is coherent with radiocarbon production rates, suggesting that solar variability has a modulating influence on Southern Hemisphere westerly airflow. Our results have important implications for understanding global climate change through the late Holocene.

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The first report of the disease (“pine wilt disease”) associated with the pinewood nematode, goes back to 1905, when Yano reported an unusual decline of pines from Nagasaki. For a long time thereafter, the cause of he disease was sought, but without success. Because of the large number of insect species that were usually seen around and on infected trees, it had always been assumed that the causal agent would prove to be one of these. However, in 1971, Kiyohara and Tokushike found a nematode of the genus Bursaphelenchus in infected trees. The nematode found was multiplied on fungal culture, inoculated into healthy trees and then re-isolated from the resulting wilted trees. The subsequent published reports were impressive: this Bursaphelenchus species could kill fully-grown trees within a few months in the warmer areas of Japan, and could destroy complete forests of susceptible pine species within a few years. Pinus densiflora, P. thunbergii und P. luchuensis were particularly affected. In 1972, Mamiya and Kiyohara described the new species of nematode extracted from the wood of diseased pines; it was a named Bursaphelenchus lignicolus. Since 1975, the species has spread to the north of Japan, with the exception of the most northerly prefectures. In 1977, the loss of wood in the west of the country reached 80%. Probably as a result of unusually high summer temperatures and reduced rainfall in the years 1978 and 1979, the losses were more than 2 million m3 per year. From the beginning, B. lignicolus was always considered by Japanese scientists to be an exotic pest. But where did it come from? That this nematode could also cause damage in the USA became clear in 1979 when B. lignicolus was isolated in great numbers from wood of a 39 year-old pine tree (Pinus nigra) in Missouri which had suddenly died after the colour of its needles changed to a reddish-brown colour (Dropkin und Foudin, 2 1979). In 1981, B. lignicolus was synonymised by Nickle et al. with B. xylophilus which had been found for the first time in the USA as far back as 1929, and reported by Steiner and Buhrer in 1934. It had originally been named Aphelenchoides xylophilus, the wood-inhabiting Aphelenchoides but was recognised by Nickle, in 1970,to belong in the genus Bursaphelenchus. Its common name in the USA was the "pine wood nematode" (PWN. After its detection in Missouri, it became known that B. xylophilus was widespread throughout the USA and Canada. It occurred there on native species of conifers where, as a rule, it did not show the symptoms of pine wilt disease unless susceptible species were stressed eg., by high temperature. This fact was an illuminating piece of evidence that North America could be the homeland of PWN. Dwinell (1993) later reported the presence of B. xylophilus in Mexico. The main vector of the PWN in Japan was shown to be the long-horned beetle Monochamus alternatus, belonging to the family Cerambycidae. This beetle lays its eggs in dead or dying trees where the developing larvae then feed in the cambium layer. It was already known in Japan in the 19th century but in the 1930s, it was said to be present in most areas of Japan, but was generally uncommon. However, with the spread of the pine wilt disease, and the resulting increase of weakened trees that could act as breeding sites for beetles, the populations of Monochamus spp. increased significantly In North America, other Monochamus species transmit PWN, and the main vector is M. carolinensis. In Japan, there are also other, less efficient vectors in the genus Monochamus. Possibly, all Monochamus species that breed in conifers can transmit the PWN. The occasional transmission by less efficient species of Monochamus or by some of the many other beetle genera in the bark or wood is of little significance. In Europe, M. galloprovincialis and M. sutor transmits the closely related species B. mucronatus. Some speculate that these two insect species are “standing by” and waiting for the arrival of B. xylophilus. In 1982, the nematode was detected and China. It was first found in dead pines near the Zhongshan Monument of Nanjing (CHENG et. al. 1983); 265 trees were then killed by pine wilt disease. Despite great efforts at eradication in China, the nematode spread further and pine wilt disease has been 3 reported from parts of the provinces of Jiangsu, Anhui, Guangdong, Shandong, Zhejiang and Hubei (YANG, 2003). In 1986, the spread of the PWN to Taiwan was discovered and in 1989, the nematode was reported to be present in the Republic of Korea where it had first been detected in Pinus thunbergii and P. densiflora. It was though to have been introduced with packing material from Japan. PWN was advancing. In 1984, B. xylophilus was found in wood chips imported into Finland from the USA and Canada, and this was the impetus to establish phytosanitary measures to prevent any possible spread into Europe. Finland prohibited the import of coniferous wood chips from these sources, and the other Nordic countries soon followed suit. EPPO (the European and Mediterranean Plant Protection Organization) made a recommendation to its member countries in 1986 to refuse wood imports from infested countries. With its Directive of 1989 (77/93 EEC), the European Community (later called the European Union or EU) recognised the potential danger of B. xylophilus for European forests and imposed restrictions on imports into the Europe. PWN was placed on the quarantine list of the EU and also of other European countries. Later, in 1991, a dispensation was allowed by the Commission of the EU(92/13 EEC) for coniferous wood from North America provided that certain specified requirements were fulfilled that would prevent introduction.

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Esta tese considera a transmissão de conceitos matemáticos para Portugal no século XIX, particularmente no campo dos Integrais Elípticos e das Funções Elípticas, tal como foi realizado no trabalho de António Zeferino Cândido. Depois de uma introdução histórica geral ao assunto no capítulo 1, o capítulo 2 estuda a vida de António Zeferino Cândido da Piedade. Ele foi, talvez, o primeiro matemático português a publicar uma tese sobre este assunto. A parte principal, isto é, o capítulo 3, é dedicada à análise do seu trabalho “Integraes e Funcções Ellipticas”. Mostra detalhes da sua abordagem baseada, não só, no livro dos autores Franceses Briot e Bouquet, mas também do autor alemão Schloemilch, o que reflecte as mudanças que ocorreram naquela época na liderança matemática na Europa.