665 resultados para civic responsibility
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Goldsmiths'-Kress no. 33456.15.
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Advertisements: 16 p. of first group and 2 p. at end.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Social evolution [International journal of ethics, January, 1896]--Equality [Contemporary review, October, 1892]--Law and liberty: the question of state interference [Society for the study of social ethics, Oxford. Journal, October, 1891]--Civic duties and party politics [Co-operative wholesale societies' annual for 1898]--1792--Year I [International journal of ethics, October, 1892]--War and peace [International journal of ethics, January, 1901]--The ultimate value of social effort.--Free will and responsibility [International journal of ethics, July, 1895]
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Shipping list no.: 94-0122-P.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Title from cover.
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"JCX-7-83."
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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06
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Implications of Peter Cane's analysis of responsibility in 'Responsibility in Law and Morality' - Cane's preconceptualisation of the 'symbiotic' relationship between law and morality - a principal criticism is that Cane does not develop his seven methodological principles into a more ambitious argument.
A nice thing to do but is it critical for business? Corporate responsibility and Australian business
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What does the world's engagement with the unfolding crisis in Darfur tell us about the impact of the Iraq war on the norm of humanitarian intervention? Is a global consensus about a "responsibility to protect" more or less likely? There are at least three potential answers to these questions. Some argue that the merging of strategic interests and humanitarian goods amplified by the intervention in Afghanistan makes it more likely that the world's most powerful states will act to prevent or halt humanitarian crises. Others insist that the widespread perception that the United States and its allies "abused" humanitarian justifications to legitimate its invasion of Iraq has set back efforts to build a global consensus about humanitarian action. A third group argues that the "responsibility to protect" inhibits the potential for abuse and, as a result, consensus is likely to strengthen post-Iraq for precisely this reason. Through a detailed study of the international engagement with Darfur, I suggest that the latter two arguments have merit but need to be adjusted. I argue that the humanitarian intervention norm has changed in two subtle ways. First, while the strength of the norm itself has not changed, the credibility of the United States and U.K. as "norm carriers" has been significantly undermined. Second, while the "responsibility to protect" has been invoked to support international activism, it has also re-legitimated anti-interventionist arguments.
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Governments that have endorsed the 'sovereignty as responsibility' approach have shown little inclination to protect civilians suffering at the hands of their own government in the Sudanese province of Darfur. After providing an overview of Darfur's crisis and international society's feeble response, we explore why the strongest advocates of 'sovereignty as responsibility', the NATO and EU states, failed to seriously contemplate military intervention. We suggest that three main factors help explain the West's unwillingness to intervene in Darfur: increased scepticism about the West's humanitarian interventionism, especially after the invasion of Iraq; Western strategic interests in Sudan; and the relationship between the crisis in Darfur and Sudan's other civil wars. We conclude that the emerging norm of humanitarian intervention remains weak and strongly contested, and that advocates of the 'responsibility to protect' approach have yet to persuade their governments to help save populations in danger.