868 resultados para attachment to parents
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There are many factors contributing to individual variations in the response to stressful experiences. The present study evaluated the patterns of stress responses according to attachment representations in 28 adults from a community sample, plus 46 subjects expected to be particularly sensitive to stress, having been exposed during childhood and/or adolescence to traumatizing events such as abuse or potentially lethal illnesses. Subjects were given the Adult Attachment Interview, which provides attachment classifications, and the Trier Social Stress Test (TSST), involving an experimental psychosocial challenge. Subjective responses to the TSST, as well as saliva samples (assayed for cortisol) and blood plasma samples (assayed for ACTH and oxytocin) were collected before, during and after the stress procedure. The stress responses presented specific patterns according to attachment classifications. Subjects with an autonomous attachment classification reported relatively low subjective stress, they presented a moderate response of the hypothalamic-pituitary-adrenal (HPA) axis (ACTH and cortisol), and a high level of oxytocin. Subjects with a dismissing classification reported a moderate subjective stress, they presented an elevated response of the HPA axis, and moderate levels of oxytocin. Subjects with a preoccupied classification presented moderate levels of subjective stress, and of HPA response, and a relatively low level of oxytocin. Finally, subjects with an unresolved classification reported elevated subjective stress; they presented a suppressed HPA response, and moderate levels of oxytocin. These data support the notion that attachment representations may affect stress responses, and suggest a specific role of oxytocin in both the attachment system and the stress system.
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Information about drugs and alcohol - what parents need to know: information for parents, carers and anyone who works with young people. About this leaflet This is one in a series of leaflets for parents, teachers and young people entitled Mental Health and Growing Up. These leaflets aim to provide practical, up-to-date information about mental health problems (emotional, behavioural and psychiatric disorders) that can affect children and young people. This leaflet offers practical advice for parents, teachers and carers who are worried that a young person is misusing drugs or alcohol. Why do I need to know about a young person using drugs or alcohol? Many young people smoke, drink alcohol and may try drugs. It is important you are aware of this and do not ignore it as a time when they are just having fun or experimenting. It doesnââ,¬â"¢t take much for the young people to soon lose control and to need help to recover from this problem. How common is it? By the age of 16, up to half of young people have tried an illegal drug. Young people are trying drugs earlier and more are drinking alcohol. What are the different types of drugs which cause problems? The most commonly used, readily available and strongly addictive drugs are tobacco and alcohol. There are numerous others that can be addictive. Alcohol and cannabis are sometimes seen as ââ,¬Ëogatewayââ,¬â"¢ drugs that lead to the world of other drugs like cocaine and heroin. Drugs are also classed as ââ,¬Ëolegalââ,¬â"¢ andââ,¬Ëoillegalââ,¬â"¢. The obviously illegal drugs include cannabis (hash), speed (amphetamines), ecstasy (E), cocaine and heroin. Using ââ,¬Ëolegalââ,¬â"¢ drugs (like cigarettes, alcohol, petrol, glue) does not mean they are safe or allowed to be misused. It just means they may be bought or sold for specific purposes and are limited to use by specific age groups. There are clear laws regarding alcohol and young people. For more detailed information on various drugs, their side-effects and the law, see ââ,¬ËoFurther Informationââ,¬â"¢ at the end of the factsheet. Why do young people use drugs or alcohol? Young people may try or use drugs or alcohol for various reasons. They may do it for fun, because they are curious, or to be like their friends. Some are experimenting with the feeling of intoxication. Sometimes they use it to cope with difficult situations or feelings of worry and low mood. A young person is more likely to try or use drugs or alcohol if they hang out or stay with friends or family who use them. What can be the problems related to using drugs or alcohol? Drugs and alcohol can have different effects on different people. In young people especially the effects can be unpredictable and potentially dangerous. Even medications for sleep or painkillers can be addictive and harmful if not used the way they are prescribed by a doctor. Drugs and alcohol can damage health. Sharing needles or equipment can cause serious infections, such as HIV and hepatitis. Accidents, arguments and fights are more likely after drinking and drug use. Young people are more likely to engage in unprotected sex when using drugs. Using drugs can lead to serious mental illnesses, such as psychosis and depression. When does it become addiction or problem? It is very difficult to know when exactly using drugs or alcohol is more than just ââ,¬Ëocasualââ,¬â"¢. Addiction becomes more obvious when the young person spends most of their time thinking about, looking for or using drugs. Drugs or alcohol then become the focus of the young personââ,¬â"¢s life. They ignore their usual work, such as not doing their schoolwork, or stop doing their usual hobbies/sports such as dancing or football. How do I know if there is a problem or addiction? Occasional use can be very difficult to detect. If the young person is using on a regular basis, their behaviour often changes. Look for signs such as: ïâ?s§ unexplained moodiness ïâ?s§ behaviour that is ââ,¬Ëoout of character' ïâ?s§ loss of interest in school or friends ïâ?s§ unexplained loss of clothes or money ïâ?s§ unusual smells and items like silver foil, needle covers. Remember, the above changes can also mean other problems, such as depression, rather than using drugs. What do I do if I am worried? If you suspect young person is using drugs, remember some general rules. ïâ?s§ Pay attention to what the child is doing, including schoolwork, friends and leisure time. ïâ?s§ Learn about the effects of alcohol and drugs (see websites listed below). ïâ?s§ Listen to what the child says about alcohol and drugs, and talk about it with them. ïâ?s§ Encourage the young person to be informed and responsible about drugs and alcohol. ïâ?s§ Talk to other parents, friends or teachers about drugs - the facts and your fears and seek help. If someone in the family or close friend is using drugs or alcohol, it is important that they seek help too. It may be hard to expect the young person to give up, especially if a parent or carer is using it too. My child is abusing drugs. What do I do? ïâ?s§ If your child is using drugs or alcohol, seek help. ïâ?s§ Do stay calm and make sure of facts. ïâ?s§ Don't give up on them, get into long debates or arguments when they are drunk, stoned or high. ïâ?s§ Donââ,¬â"¢t be angry or blame themââ,¬â?othey need your help and trust to make journey of recovery. Where can I get help? You can talk in confidence to a professional like your GP or practice nurse, a local drug project or your local child and adolescent mental health. They can refer your child to relevant services and they will be able to offer you advice and support. You may also be able to seek help through a school nurse, teacher or social worker. You can find this information from your local area telephone book or council website, or ask for the address from your health centre. [For the full factsheet, click on the link above]This resource was contributed by The National Documentation Centre on Drug Use.
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This factsheet encourages non-English speaking parents to talk to their children in their own language.
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This factsheet highlights simple ideas to encourage speech in children around 4 to 5 years old.
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Scaffold or matrix attachment region (S/MAR) genetic elements have previously been proposed to insulate transgenes from repressive effects linked to their site of integration within the host cell genome. We have evaluated their use in various stable transfection settings to increase the production of recombinant proteins such as monoclonal antibodies from Chinese hamster ovary (CHO) cell lines. Using the green fluorescent protein coding sequence, we show that S/MAR elements mediate a dual effect on the population of transfected cells. First, S/MAR elements almost fully abolish the occurrence of cell clones that express little transgene that may result from transgene integration in an unfavorable chromosomal environment. Second, they increase the overall expression of the transgene over the whole range of expression levels, allowing the detection of cells with significantly higher levels of transgene expression. An optimal setting was identified as the addition of a S/MAR element both in cis (on the transgene expression vector) and in trans (co-transfected on a separate plasmid). When used to express immunoglobulins, the S/MAR element enabled cell clones with high and stable levels of expression to be isolated following the analysis of a few cell lines generated without transgene amplification procedures.
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Glycosyl-inositolphospholipid (GPL) anchoring structures are incorporated into GPL-anchored proteins immediately posttranslationally in the rough endoplasmic reticulum, but the biochemical and cellular constituents involved in this "glypiation" process are unknown. To establish whether glypiation could be achieved in vitro, mRNAs generated by transcription of cDNAs encoding two GPL-anchored proteins, murine Thy-1 antigen and human decay-accelerating factor (DAF), and a conventionally anchored control protein, polymeric-immunoglobulin receptor (IgR), were translated in a rabbit reticulocyte lysate. Upon addition of dog pancreatic rough microsomes, nascent polypeptides generated from the three mRNAs translocated into vesicles. Dispersal of the vesicles with Triton X-114 detergent and incubation of the hydrophobic phase with phosphatidylinositol-specific phospholipases C and D, enzymes specific for GPL-anchor structures, released Thy-1 and DAF but not IgR protein into the aqueous phase. The selective incorporation of phospholipase-sensitive anchoring moieties into Thy-1 and DAF but not IgR translation products during in vitro translocation indicates that rough microsomes are able to support and regulate glypiation.
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The main objective of this ex post facto study is to compare the differencesin cognitive functions and their relation to schizotypal personality traits between agroup of unaffected parents of schizophrenic patients and a control group. A total of 52unaffected biological parents of schizophrenic patients and 52 unaffected parents ofunaffected subjects were assessed in measures of attention (Continuous PerformanceTest- Identical Pairs Version, CPT-IP), memory and verbal learning (California VerbalLearning Test, CVLT) as well as schizotypal personality traits (Oxford-Liverpool Inventoryof Feelings and Experiences, O-LIFE). The parents of the patients with schizophreniadiffer from the parents of the control group in omission errors on the ContinuousPerformance Test- Identical Pairs, on a measure of recall and on two contrast measuresof the California Verbal Learning Test. The associations between neuropsychologicalvariables and schizotpyal traits are of a low magnitude. There is no defined pattern ofthe relationship between cognitive measures and schizotypal traits
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The long-term implications of sexual abuse in childhood or adolescence (CSA) have been relatively well documented regarding attachment (disorganized attachment in childhood, unresolved trauma in adulthood), stress reactions (altered patterns of stress reactivity under experimental conditions), and psychopathology. Attachment has been shown to mediate the implications of CSA, namely on psychopathology. The implication of attachment on stress responses of abused persons has not been documented. Twenty-seven 20-46 years old women who had experienced episodes of CSA, and 17 controls have been interviewed using the Adult Attachment Interview. Sixty-three percent of abused women presented an unresolved trauma (12% for the controls). Thirty-six women (14 controls and 22 abused) came again to the laboratory for a session involving an experimental stress challenge (TSST). Subjects provided repeated appreciations of perceived stress on visual analogue scales and saliva samples were collected to assay cortisol levels. Whereas abused women with unresolved trauma showed the highest levels of perceived stress, they simultaneously presented the most suppressed cortisol reactions (there were significant post hoc differences between "unresolved abused" and controls on the increase of perceived stress and on cortisol recovery after the acute stress). It is suggested that important stressful experiences (such as CSA), especially when they have not been psychologically assimilated, may cause a disconnection, during subsequent mildly stressful circumstances, between the perception of stress and natural defensive body reactions.
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The CaMir is a questionnaire aimed at measuring attachment cognitions. It is based on subjects' evaluations of past and present attachment experiences and family functioning. It is a widely used tool both in research and in clinical settings. The aim of this study was to develop a short version of CaMir in Spanish (CaMir-R) and to obtain evidence about its validity and reliability in a sample of 676 adolescents (364 female and 312 male) belonging to different groups (clinical, maltreated, and community samples) with an age range between 13 and 19 years (M = 15.62, SD = 1.49). We examined its internal structure, convergent, and decision validity, the relationship between its dimensions and psychopathological symptoms, as well as its internal consistency and temporal stability. The CaMir-R included 7 factors whose internal consistency indexes ranged between 0.60 and 0.85. With the exception of the «Parental Permissiveness» dimension, which did not show good reliability, the results suggest that the CaMir-R provides a valid and reliable assessment of attachment representations and of the conception of family functioning.
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While one of the main objectives of adolescence is to achieve autonomy, for the specific population of adolescents with a chronic illness (CI), the struggle for autonomy is accentuated by the limits implied by their illness. However, little is known concerning the way their parents manage and cope with their children's autonomy acquisition. Our aim was to identify the needs and preoccupations of parents of adolescents with CI in coping with their children's autonomy acquisition and to determine whether mothers and fathers coped differently. Using a qualitative approach, 30 parents of adolescents with CI participated in five focus groups. Recruitment took place in five specialized pediatric clinics from our university hospital. Thematic analysis was conducted. Transcript analyses suggested four major categories of preoccupations, those regarding autonomy acquisition, giving or taking on autonomy, shared management of treatment and child's future. Some aspects implied differences between mothers' and fathers' viewpoints and ways of experiencing this period of life. Letting go can be hard for the father, mother, adolescent or all three. Helping one or the other can in turn improve family functioning as a whole. Reported findings may help health professionals better assist parents in managing their child's acquisition of autonomy.
The better I feel, the less clingy I feel: Posture, self-esteem, and closeness to attachment figures
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[Traditions. Asie. Inde. Chotā Nāgpur]
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The exchange of social and economic support between the generationsis one of the main pillars of both family life and welfare systems. Thedebate on how to reform the generational contract is still truncated, however, by focusing on its public dimension only, especially on pensions and health care provisions. For a full account, the transfer of resources between adult generations in the family needs to be included as well. In our previous research we have shown that intergenerationalexchange is more likely to take place but less intense in the Nordicwelfare regime than in the Continental and Southern ones. In thepresent paper we analyze the social mechanisms that create and explain this nexus between patterns of intergenerational transfers and welfare regimes. The notion that Southern European family support networksare stronger and more effective than those of Continental and Northern European countries is only partially confirmed. In Southern (and partly in Continental) countries, children are mostly supported by means of co-residence with their parents till their complete economicindependence. However, once they have left the parental home thereare fewer transfers; support tends to be restricted to children who have special needs (such as for the formation of their own family), and depends more on their parents’ resources. In the Nordic countries, in contrast, transfers are less driven by children’s needs and parentalresources.
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The The Eldercare Locator, a nationwide service funded by the U.S. Administration on Aging that links older consumers and their families to local aging services, produced this guide to help families “face the facts” about these important topics. The overview below addresses some key areas of concern, suggested questions to ask, and ways in which families might initiate conversations about these often difficult to discuss topics with their aging parents.