573 resultados para Treaties
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"February 1981"--V. II-III.
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Subtitle, v. 16-18: The world's greatest war ... Editor-in-chief, Holland Thompson ... and other contributors.
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Beginning in 1950 treaties and international agreements issued by the Secretary of State as United States treaties and other international agreements.
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Appendices (text of treaties and agreements) reprinted from John V.A. MacMurray's Treaties and agreements with and connecting China: p. 289-394.
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Mode of access: Internet.
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Limitation to jurisdiction of International Criminal Court (ICC) - proposal to strengthen the universal criminalisation of transnational organised crimes by enabling them to be prosecuted through an international authority - debate on whether existing offences under the ICC Statute encompass certain transnational organised crimes - whether the Statute should be expanded to include crimes that have been recognised in international treaties.
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O objetivo central desta pesquisa é avaliar os valores e possibilidades da aliança pregada no Deuteronômio. Para tanto, procuro captar a necessária tensão de qualquer tipo de aliança. Faço esse exercício, primeiramente, no próprio campo da hermenêutica. Sugiro uma leitura subalterna que agregue diferentes lutas no interior das interpretações libertárias (feminista, queer e pós-colonial). Nesse ínterim, forjo o trabalho do exegeta orgânico , a saber, aquele intérprete que articula vozes dissidentes para fazer frente às estruturas sistêmicas de subordinação. Após essa proposição teórica, avalio o Deuteronômio enquanto discursos concatenados em forma de arquivo. A principal sugestão é de que os textos deuteronômicos foram coletados ou produzidos em prol de um ideal de berit aliança . Esse ideal origina-se do material agora disposto em 4,44-26+28: um contrato comunitário atávico com Yhvh. Esse resultado é possibilitado pela crítica retórica ao texto e seus interesses propagandísticos desde o nascedouro arquivístico. Após uma comparação honesta com os tratados do Antigo Oriente Próximo, não se pode mais negar a pedagogia da obediência intrínseca ao contrato. A isso chamo, muitas vezes, de colusão do povo santo . A crítica retórica, entretanto, não encaminha apenas uma reificação desse ideal de berit, ao apontar, antes, para o debate interno da comunidade. Um contrato retórico, afinal, guarda em si, memórias silenciadas para que a propaganda se efetive. Nesse momento é que busco colisões de memórias, em especial, dentro das perícopes proibitivas do contrato. Todo o lixo deuteronômico, por assim dizer, está assinalado por duas fórmulas básicas: ki to abat yhvh eis uma abominação para Yhvh e ubi arta ha-ra mi-qirbeka exterminarás o per/vertido do teu meio . Dedico-me aos textos marcados por essas fórmulas, ao fomentar uma episódica unificação de abomináveis e per/vertidos . Avalio a luta particular de cada um/a, para então, propor uma agenda subalterna que promova a justiça social por reconhecimento e redistribuição. A aliança abominável e per/vertida intra-Deuteronômio apresenta uma proposta radicalmente democrática (i) em favor de uma cultura aberta ao Outro e (ii) contra estruturas autoritárias piramidais. Assinalo, portanto, que com essa dupla tática, os valores imperiais de hierarquização e subtração da irmandade deuteronômica são retoricamente postos em debate na comunidade.
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As cartas são uma das formas de comunicação a distância mais antigas de que se tem notícia. Além disso, há séculos são feitos tratados e estudos de como as cartas são e de como devem ser escritas. Este estudo enfoca as cartas enviadas ao programa televisivo Globo Rural, da TV Globo no ano de 2005, data de seu 25º aniversário. Em um primeiro momento, através de um banco de dados, composto por 418 cartas, delineou-se a identidade e as demandas dos telespectadores que escreveram ao programa. Percebeu-se, entre outras questões, que além das pessoas residentes em áreas rurais e que mantêm relação com o campo, muitos telespectadores de áreas urbanas e profissionais de áreas de conhecimento não-rurais também entram em contato com o programa através de cartas. Em um segundo momento, através de escolhas intencionais, com uma abordagem qualitativa, sem intenção de generalização, discutiu-se algumas características atuais da maneira de se escrever cartas. Ao comparar com antigos tratados datados da Era Antiga pode-se concluir que as cartas analisadas ainda mantêm muitos traços discursivos definidos desde então.(AU)
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Esta pesquisa objetivou estudar retrospectivamente por meio de radiografias em norma frontal e modelos de gesso as alterações dentoesqueléticas de pacientes com má oclusão de Classe II, 1ª divisão, divididos em dois grupos: Grupo Tratado, constituído de 28 pacientes, sendo 13 pacientes do sexo masculino e 15 do sexo feminino, tratados com aparelho regulador de função de Fränkel - 2 (RF-2), por um período ativo de 1,5 anos; Grupo Controle: constituído de 28 pacientes, sendo 12 do sexo masculino e 16 do sexo feminino, sem nenhum tipo de tratamento durante o acompanhamento longitudinal de 1,5 anos. A amostra deste estudo consistiu de 112 telerradiografias em norma frontal e 112 pares de modelos de gesso, 56 obtidos ao início (T1) e 56 ao final da observação (T2). Após a análise estatística das mensurações obtidas, concluiu- se que houve como resultado alterações estatisticamente significantes em todas as medidas analisadas e o aparelho RF-2 teve atuação direta nas variáveis: distância intermolares superio res e inferiores (radiografias e modelos),profundidade palatina, largura maxilar e altura facial ântero-inferior.
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Creating an appropriate translation often means adapting the target text (TT) to the text-typological conventions of the target culture. Such knowledge can be gained by a comparative analysis of parallel texts, i.e. L2 and L1 texts of equal informativity which have been produced in similar communicative situations. Some problems related to (cross-cultural) text-typological conventions and the role of parallel texts for describing translation strategies are described, as well as implications for teaching translation. The discussion is supported with examples of parallel texts that are representative of various genres, such as instruction manuals, international treaties and tourist brochures.
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The founding Treaties of the European Union (EU) provide the Commission with bureaucratic structures and functions, and the authority to take a political leadership role in the integration process. However, the legitimacy of the Commission's authority to act either as a bureaucracy or as a political institution is periodically contested, as is the authority and leadership of its President. Max Weber's theory of the legitimation of authority suggests itself in this context as a working tool for assessing the nature of institutional and individual authority and leadership in the Commission and the broader EU context. Weber's typology of authority offers both an understanding of the changes in the Commission's fortunes within the 'would-be polity' of the European institutions, and an appraisal of claims to authority at the individual level by the Commission President. When applied to two contrasting moments in the Commission's life during the presidency of Jacques Delors (the generating of the White Papers of 1985 and 1993), Weber's typology provides an explanation for the evolution of the legitimation of these forms of authority in terms of, first, the Union's imperfect provisions for legitimate claims to leadership authority on 'charismatic' grounds and, second, the absence in the Union of resources for leadership legitimacy based on 'traditional'-type authority, such as explicit, popular, or party political European-wide support for the project of European union. These are resources which, if present in the EU, would legitimise calls to reform the EU's institutions in the direction of more integration and a more federal polity. The case studies offer an appraisal of the functioning and malfunctioning of authority within the Union, as well as a critical assessment of the applicability of the Weberian model to the legitimation of authority in the EU.
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What drives innovation? How does it contribute to the growth of firms, industries, and economies? And do intellectual property rights help or hurt innovation and growth? Uniquely combining microeconomics, macroeconomics, and theory with empirical analysis drawn from the United States and Europe, this book introduces graduate students and advanced undergraduates to the complex process of innovation. By addressing all the major dimensions of innovation in a single text, Christine Greenhalgh and Mark Rogers are able to show how outcomes at the microlevel feed through to the macro-outcomes that in turn determine personal incomes and job opportunities. In four sections, this textbook comprehensively addresses the nature of innovation and intellectual property, the microeconomics and macroeconomics of innovation, and economic policy at the firm and macroeconomic levels. Among the topics fully explored are the role of intellectual property in creating incentives to innovate; the social returns of innovation; the creation and destruction of jobs by innovation; whether more or fewer intellectual property rights would give firms better incentives to innovate; and the contentious issues surrounding international treaties on intellectual property.
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The North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) is a product of the Cold War through which its members organized their military forces for the purpose of collective defense against the common threat of Soviet-backed aggression. Employing the terminology of regime theory, the creation of NATO can be viewed as the introduction of an international security regime. Throughout the Cold War, NATO member states preserved their commitment to mutual defense while increasingly engaging in activities aimed at overcoming the division of Europe and promoting regional stability. The end of the Cold War has served as the catalyst for a new period of regime change as the Alliance introduced elements of a collective security regime by expanding its mandate to address new security challenges and reorganizing both its political and military organizational structures. ^ This research involves an interpretive analysis of NATO's evolution applying ideal theoretical constructs associated with distinct approaches to regime analysis. The process of regime change is investigated over several periods throughout the history of the Alliance in an effort to understand the Alliance's changing commitment to collective security. This research involves a review of regime theory literature, consisting of an examination of primary source documentation, including official documents and treaties, as well as a review of numerous secondary sources. This review is organized around a typology of power-based, organization-based, and norm-based approaches to regime analysis. This dissertation argues that the process of regime change within NATO is best understood by examining factors associated with multiple theoretical constructs. Relevant factors provide insights into the practice of collective security among NATO member states within Europe, while accounting for the inability of the NATO allies to build on the experience gained within Europe to play a more central role in operations outside of this region. This research contributes to a greater understanding of the nature of international regimes and the process of regime change, while offering recommendations aimed at increasing NATO's viability as a source of greater security and more meaningful international cooperation.^
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This dissertation analyzes the obstacles against further cooperation in international economic relations. The first essay explains the gradual nature of trade liberalization. I show that existence of asymmetric information between governments provides a sufficient reason for gradualism to exist. Governments prefer starting small to reduce the cost of partner’s betrayal when there is sufficient degree of information asymmetry regarding the partner’s type. Learning about partner’s incentive structure enhances expectations, encouraging governments to increase their current level of cooperation. Specifically, the uninformed government’s subjective belief for the trading partner being good is improved as the partner acts cooperatively. This updated belief, in turn, lowers the subjective probability of future betrayal, enabling further progress in cooperation. The second essay analyzes the relationship between two countries facing two policy dilemmas in an environment with two way goods and capital flows. When issues are independent and countries are symmetric, signing separate agreements for tariffs (Free Trade Agreements-FTA) and for taxes (Tax Treaties-TT) provides the identical level of enforcement as signing a linked agreement. However, linkage can still improve the joint welfare by transferring the slack enforcement power in a case of asymmetric issues or countries. I report non-results in two cases where the policy issues are interconnected due to technological spillover effect of FDI. Moreover, I show that linking the agreements actually reduces enforcement when agreements are linked under a limited punishment rule and policy variables are strategic substitutes. The third essay investigates the welfare/enforcement consequences of linking trade and environmental agreements. In the standard literature, linking the agreements generate non-trivial results only when there is structural relation between the issues. I focus on institutional design of the linkage and show that even if environmental aspects of international trade are negligible linking the agreements might still have some interesting welfare implications under current GATT Rules. Specifically, when traded goods are substitutes in consumption, linking the environmental agreement with trade agreement under the Withdrawal of Equivalent Concession Rule (Article XXVIII) will reduce the enforcement. However, enforcement in environmental issue increases when the same rule is implemented in the absence of linkage.
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In a post-Cold War, post-9/11 world, the advent of US global supremacy resulted in the installation, perpetuation, and dissemination of an Absolutist Security Agenda (hereinafter, ASA). The US ASA explicitly and aggressively articulates and equates US national security interests with the security of all states in the international system, and replaced the bipolar, Cold War framework that defined international affairs from 1945-1992. Since the collapse of the USSR and the 11 September 2001 terrorist attacks, the US has unilaterally defined, implemented, and managed systemic security policy. The US ASA is indicative of a systemic category of knowledge (security) anchored in variegated conceptual and material components, such as morality, philosophy, and political rubrics. The US ASA is based on a logic that involves the following security components: (1) hyper militarization, (2) intimidation,(3) coercion, (4) criminalization, (5) panoptic surveillance, (6) plenary security measures, and (7) unabashed US interference in the domestic affairs of select states. Such interference has produced destabilizing tensions and conflicts that have, in turn, produced resistance, revolutions, proliferation, cults of personality, and militarization. This is the case because the US ASA rests on the notion that the international system of states is an extension, instrument of US power, rather than a system and/or society of states comprised of functionally sovereign entities. To analyze the US ASA, this study utilizes: (1) official government statements, legal doctrines, treaties, and policies pertaining to US foreign policy; (2) militarization rationales, budgets, and expenditures; and (3) case studies of rogue states. The data used in this study are drawn from information that is publicly available (academic journals, think-tank publications, government publications, and information provided by international organizations). The data supports the contention that global security is effectuated via a discrete set of hegemonic/imperialistic US values and interests, finding empirical expression in legal acts (USA Patriot ACT 2001) and the concept of rogue states. Rogue states, therefore, provide test cases to clarify the breadth, depth, and consequentialness of the US ASA in world affairs vis-à-vis the relationship between US security and global security.