866 resultados para Religion and international relations theory


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Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP)

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“Music at the Fair!” gives the daily musical programs for The Trans-Mississippi and International Exposition, held in Omaha, Nebraska, June 1 through October 31, 1898. The Trans-Mississippi and International Exposition brought an unprecedented array of local, national, and international musical acts to Omaha, NE in 1898. This served to designate Omaha, "the gateway to the west" as a musical hub, as well as to incite musical excitement in the region. Some of the more popular acts featured were the Theodore Thomas Orchestra, the U.S. Marine Band, and the Apollo Club of Chicago. Many more groups and their musical programs can be found within the pages of this site. The “Music at the Fair!” website was created by Grace Carey, and last revised on May 19, 2006.It is the result of a two- year research grant funded by an Undergraduate Creative Activities and Research Experiences (UCARE) grant through the University of Nebraska at Lincoln. It is an extension of an ongoing project on music at the TME by Music Professor Peter Lefferts. The primary sources of information for the site are the following newspapers from June – November 1898: The Omaha Daily Bee, the Omaha Evening Bee, and the Omaha World Herald, and the the official programs of the fair located in the archives at the Omaha Public Library. I would like to thank the helpful staff at the Nebraska State Historical Society and the downtown branch of the Omaha Public Library. Site Creator: Grace Carey Project Advisor: Peter Lefferts, Professor of Music History at the University of Nebraska, Lincoln The linked “Document” is a flat PDF version of the interactive website. To download the fully interactive html version, click on the “Related file” to download the zipped folder. When unzipped, click on the file named “index” to enter the website.

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We aimed to develop site-specific sediment quality guidelines (SQGs) for two estuarine and port zones in Southeastern Brazil (Santos Estuarine System and Paranagua Estuarine System) and three in Southern Spain (Ria of Huelva, Bay of Cadiz, and Bay of Algeciras), and compare these values against national and traditionally used international benchmark values. Site-specific SQGs were derived based on sediment physical-chemical, toxicological, and benthic community data integrated through multivariate analysis. This technique allowed the identification of chemicals of concern and the establishment of effects range correlatively to individual concentrations of contaminants for each site of study. The results revealed that sediments from Santos channel, as well as inner portions of the SES, are considered highly polluted (exceeding SQGs-high) by metals, PAHs and PCBs. High pollution by PAHs and some metals was found in Sao Vicente channel. In PES, sediments from inner portions (proximities of the Ponta do Mix port`s terminal and the Port of Paranagua) are highly polluted by metals and PAHs, including one zone inside the limits of an environmental protection area. In Gulf of Cadiz, SQGs exceedences were found in Ria of Huelva (all analysed metals and PAHs), in the surroundings of the Port of CAdiz (Bay of CAdiz) (metals), and in Bay of Algeciras (Ni and PAHs). The site-specific SQGs derived in this study are more restricted than national SQGs applied in Brazil and Spain, as well as international guidelines. This finding confirms the importance of the development of site-specific SQGs to support the characterisation of sediments and dredged material. The use of the same methodology to derive SQGs in Brazilian and Spanish port zones confirmed the applicability of this technique with an international scope and provided a harmonised methodology for site-specific SQGs derivation. (C) 2009 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.

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This descriptive study about children and adolescents artistic labor verifies the applicable legislation, in Brazil, regarding the participation of children and adolescents in the entertainment industry and in advertising campaigns, as well as the judicial processes about the theme known by the Brazilian Superior Court of Justice up to October, 2010. The results permit to conclude that, due to the lack of specific regulation and general rule of child labor prohibition, the restrictions that tend to protect the health and security of children and adolescents that act in the artistic niche (television, advertising, fashion, movies etc.) have been, in Brazil, at subjective criteria of the judges and, in many cases, in the hands of producers themselves. Brief considerations on how other countries regulate the theme are also presented (the USA, Portugal and Argentina).

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Recently, a rising interest in political and economic integration/disintegration issues has been developed in the political economy field. This growing strand of literature partly draws on traditional issues of fiscal federalism and optimum public good provision and focuses on a trade-off between the benefits of centralization, arising from economies of scale or externalities, and the costs of harmonizing policies as a consequence of the increased heterogeneity of individual preferences in an international union or in a country composed of at least two regions. This thesis stems from this strand of literature and aims to shed some light on two highly relevant aspects of the political economy of European integration. The first concerns the role of public opinion in the integration process; more precisely, how economic benefits and costs of integration shape citizens' support for European Union (EU) membership. The second is the allocation of policy competences among different levels of government: European, national and regional. Chapter 1 introduces the topics developed in this thesis by reviewing the main recent theoretical developments in the political economy analysis of integration processes. It is structured as follows. First, it briefly surveys a few relevant articles on economic theories of integration and disintegration processes (Alesina and Spolaore 1997, Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina et al. 2000, Casella and Feinstein 2002) and discusses their relevance for the study of the impact of economic benefits and costs on public opinion attitude towards the EU. Subsequently, it explores the links existing between such political economy literature and theories of fiscal federalism, especially with regard to normative considerations concerning the optimal allocation of competences in a union. Chapter 2 firstly proposes a model of citizens’ support for membership of international unions, with explicit reference to the EU; subsequently it tests the model on a panel of EU countries. What are the factors that influence public opinion support for the European Union (EU)? In international relations theory, the idea that citizens' support for the EU depends on material benefits deriving from integration, i.e. whether European integration makes individuals economically better off (utilitarian support), has been common since the 1970s, but has never been the subject of a formal treatment (Hix 2005). A small number of studies in the 1990s have investigated econometrically the link between national economic performance and mass support for European integration (Eichenberg and Dalton 1993; Anderson and Kalthenthaler 1996), but only making informal assumptions. The main aim of Chapter 2 is thus to propose and test our model with a view to providing a more complete and theoretically grounded picture of public support for the EU. Following theories of utilitarian support, we assume that citizens are in favour of membership if they receive economic benefits from it. To develop this idea, we propose a simple political economic model drawing on the recent economic literature on integration and disintegration processes. The basic element is the existence of a trade-off between the benefits of centralisation and the costs of harmonising policies in presence of heterogeneous preferences among countries. The approach we follow is that of the recent literature on the political economy of international unions and the unification or break-up of nations (Bolton and Roland 1997, Alesina and Wacziarg 1999, Alesina et al. 2001, 2005a, to mention only the relevant). The general perspective is that unification provides returns to scale in the provision of public goods, but reduces each member state’s ability to determine its most favoured bundle of public goods. In the simple model presented in Chapter 2, support for membership of the union is increasing in the union’s average income and in the loss of efficiency stemming from being outside the union, and decreasing in a country’s average income, while increasing heterogeneity of preferences among countries points to a reduced scope of the union. Afterwards we empirically test the model with data on the EU; more precisely, we perform an econometric analysis employing a panel of member countries over time. The second part of Chapter 2 thus tries to answer the following question: does public opinion support for the EU really depend on economic factors? The findings are broadly consistent with our theoretical expectations: the conditions of the national economy, differences in income among member states and heterogeneity of preferences shape citizens’ attitude towards their country’s membership of the EU. Consequently, this analysis offers some interesting policy implications for the present debate about ratification of the European Constitution and, more generally, about how the EU could act in order to gain more support from the European public. Citizens in many member states are called to express their opinion in national referenda, which may well end up in rejection of the Constitution, as recently happened in France and the Netherlands, triggering a European-wide political crisis. These events show that nowadays understanding public attitude towards the EU is not only of academic interest, but has a strong relevance for policy-making too. Chapter 3 empirically investigates the link between European integration and regional autonomy in Italy. Over the last few decades, the double tendency towards supranationalism and regional autonomy, which has characterised some European States, has taken a very interesting form in this country, because Italy, besides being one of the founding members of the EU, also implemented a process of decentralisation during the 1970s, further strengthened by a constitutional reform in 2001. Moreover, the issue of the allocation of competences among the EU, the Member States and the regions is now especially topical. The process leading to the drafting of European Constitution (even if then it has not come into force) has attracted much attention from a constitutional political economy perspective both on a normative and positive point of view (Breuss and Eller 2004, Mueller 2005). The Italian parliament has recently passed a new thorough constitutional reform, still to be approved by citizens in a referendum, which includes, among other things, the so called “devolution”, i.e. granting the regions exclusive competence in public health care, education and local police. Following and extending the methodology proposed in a recent influential article by Alesina et al. (2005b), which only concentrated on the EU activity (treaties, legislation, and European Court of Justice’s rulings), we develop a set of quantitative indicators measuring the intensity of the legislative activity of the Italian State, the EU and the Italian regions from 1973 to 2005 in a large number of policy categories. By doing so, we seek to answer the following broad questions. Are European and regional legislations substitutes for state laws? To what extent are the competences attributed by the European treaties or the Italian Constitution actually exerted in the various policy areas? Is their exertion consistent with the normative recommendations from the economic literature about their optimum allocation among different levels of government? The main results show that, first, there seems to be a certain substitutability between EU and national legislations (even if not a very strong one), but not between regional and national ones. Second, the EU concentrates its legislative activity mainly in international trade and agriculture, whilst social policy is where the regions and the State (which is also the main actor in foreign policy) are more active. Third, at least two levels of government (in some cases all of them) are significantly involved in the legislative activity in many sectors, even where the rationale for that is, at best, very questionable, indicating that they actually share a larger number of policy tasks than that suggested by the economic theory. It appears therefore that an excessive number of competences are actually shared among different levels of government. From an economic perspective, it may well be recommended that some competences be shared, but only when the balance between scale or spillover effects and heterogeneity of preferences suggests so. When, on the contrary, too many levels of government are involved in a certain policy area, the distinction between their different responsibilities easily becomes unnecessarily blurred. This may not only leads to a slower and inefficient policy-making process, but also risks to make it too complicate to understand for citizens, who, on the contrary, should be able to know who is really responsible for a certain policy when they vote in national,local or European elections or in referenda on national or European constitutional issues.

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This study examines the case of Vietnam and uses the method of process tracing to explore the sources of foreign policy choice and change. Foreign policy is derived from grand strategy, which refers to the full package of a state’s domestic and foreign policies. I argue that a state’s grand strategy results from the interaction of four factors—its society’s historical experience, social motivation, international power, and political contest among domestic groups. Grand strategies emerge as a response to perceived shifts in the balance of international economic, political, and military power. However, this is not to say that international pressures and incentives are translated into foreign policy. Rather, pressures and incentives are given meaning by worldviews, which reflect a society’s historical experiences of its place in the international system at traumatic junctures of its encounter with the outside world. Strategic changes in foreign policy follow what I call the “strategic algorithm,” which incorporates four major mechanisms—balancing against threat, bandwagoning with power, learning, and survival by transformation. This case study generates hypotheses for a theory of strategic choice, a theory of foreign policy transformation, and a theory of grand strategy emergence.

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The G2, G3, CBS-QB3, and CBS-APNO model chemistry methods and the B3LYP, B3P86, mPW1PW, and PBE1PBE density functional theory (DFT) methods have been used to calculate ΔH° and ΔG° values for ionic clusters of the ammonium ion complexed with water and ammonia. Results for the clusters NH4+(NH3)n and NH4+(H2O)n, where n = 1−4, are reported in this paper and compared against experimental values. Agreement with the experimental values for ΔH° and ΔG° for formation of NH4+(NH3)n clusters is excellent. Comparison between experiment and theory for formation of the NH4+(H2O)n clusters is quite good considering the uncertainty in the experimental values. The four DFT methods yield excellent agreement with experiment and the model chemistry methods when the aug-cc-pVTZ basis set is used for energetic calculations and the 6-31G* basis set is used for geometries and frequencies. On the basis of these results, we predict that all ions in the lower troposphere will be saturated with at least one complete first hydration shell of water molecules.

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