963 resultados para National states


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To examine models of informal support received by elders in the United States and Sweden and to test whether differences in informal support appear to stem from demographic differences between the nations alone or whether cultural and historical differences must also be considered.

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Few international comparisons of health services are performed using microlevel data. Using such data, this paper compares the need for and receipt of assistance with activities of daily living (ADLs) in comparable samples in the United States and Sweden, a country with a universal system of community-based services.Design and Methods: Data from national surveys of community residents completed at approximately the same time in each nation are used to create comparable measures of need and assistance. Descriptive and logistic regression analyses compare need and assistance patterns across the nations and identify individual factors that explain receipt of assistance and unmet needs.Results:Our results indicate that a simple story of greater use of paid formal services in Sweden and more unpaid informal use in the United States masks a more complex relationship. Assistance with ADLs seems to be more targeted in Sweden; narrow differences in assistance widen considerably when the analysis is limited to those reporting need. Implications:Although these two different health systems result in similar levels of overall ADL assistance, a detailed microlevel comparison reveals key distinctions. Further microlevel comparisons of access, cost, and quality in cross-national data can further aid our understanding of the consequences of health policy.

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Objectives Our objective in this study was to compare assistance received by individuals in the United States and Sweden with characteristics associated with low, moderate, or high 1-year placement risk in the United States. Methods We used longitudinal nationally representative data from 4,579 participants aged 75 years and older in the 1992 and 1993 waves of the Medicare Current Beneficiary Survey (MCBS) and cross-sectional data from 1,379 individuals aged 75 years and older in the Swedish Aging at Home (AH) national survey for comparative purposes. We developed a logistic regression equation using U.S. data to identify individuals with 3 levels (low, moderate, or high) of predicted 1-year institutional placement risk. Groups with the same characteristics were identified in the Swedish sample and compared on formal and informal assistance received. Results Formal service utilization was higher in Swedish sample, whereas informal service use is lower overall. Individuals with characteristics associated with high placement risk received more formal and less informal assistance in Sweden relative to the United States. Discussion Differences suggest formal services supplement informal support in the United States and that formal and informal services are complementary in Sweden.

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The NMMAPS data package contains daily mortality, air pollution, and weather data originally assembled as part of the National Morbidity,Mortality, and Air Pollution Study (NMMAPS). The data have recently been updated and are available for 108 United States cities for the years 1987--2000. The package provides tools for building versions of the full database in a structured and reproducible manner. These database derivatives may be more suitable for particular analyses. We describe how to use the package to implement a multi-city time series analysis of mortality and PM(10). In addition we demonstrate how to reproduce recent findings based on the NMMAPS data.

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While clinical studies have shown a negative relationship between obesity and mental health in women, population studies have not shown a consistent association. However, many of these studies can be criticized regarding fatness level criteria, lack of control variables, and validity of the psychological variables.^ The purpose of this research was to elucidate the relationship between fatness level and mental health in United States women using data from the First National Health and Nutrition Examination Survey (NHANES I), which was conducted on a national probability sample from 1971 to 1974. Mental health was measured by the General Well-Being Schedule (GWB), and fatness level was determined by the sum of the triceps and subscapular skinfolds. Women were categorized as lean (15th percentile or less), normal (16th to 84th percentiles), or obese (85th percentile or greater).^ A conceptual framework was developed which identified the variables of age, race, marital status, socioeconomic status (education), employment status, number of births, physical health, weight history, and perception of body image as important to the fatness level-GWB relationship. Multiple regression analyses were performed separately for whites and blacks with GWB as the response variable, and fatness level, age, education, employment status, number of births, marital status, and health perception as predictor variables. In addition, 2- and 3-way interaction terms for leanness, obesity and age were included as predictor variables. Variables related to weight history and perception of body image were not collected in NHANES I, and thus were not included in this study.^ The results indicated that obesity was a statistically significant predictor of lower GWB in white women even when the other predictor variables were controlled. The full regression model identified the young, more educated, obese female as a subgroup with lower GWB, especially in blacks. These findings were not consistent with the previous non-clinical studies which found that obesity was associated with better mental health. The social stigma of being obese and the preoccupation of women with being lean may have contributed to the lower GWB in these women. ^

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Food security is important. A rising world population coupled with climate change creates growing pressure on global world food supplies. States alleviate this pressure domestically by attracting agri-foreign direct investment (agri-FDI). This is a high-risk strategy for weak states: the state may gain valuable foreign currency, technology and debt-free growth; but equally, investors may fail to deliver on their commitments and exploit weak domestic legal infrastructure to ‘grab’ large areas of prime agricultural land, leaving only marginal land for domestic production. A net loss to local food security and to the national economy results. This is problematic because the state must continue to guarantee its citizens’ right to food and property. Agri-FDI needs close regulation to maximise its benefit. This article maps the multilevel system of governance covering agri-FDI. We show how this system creates asymmetric rights in favour of the investor to the detriment of the host state’s food security and how these problems might be alleviated.

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In international law the internment of civilians has only been regulated in writing in the context of the 4th Geneva Convention of 1949. Nevertheless this did not mean that civilians were not protected by at least some rules of customary international law before that date and especially in World War I. Furthermore specialists of international law expected states – at least those considered to be part of the community of civilized nations – to continue to treat all men equal before the law even in wartime. As research already conducted (Bird, Panayi, Fischer) has shown, this was not the case during World War I. Based on these findings the presentation proposed here wants to look into the development of international law and into some national preparations for treating so called “enemy aliens” in the period before 1914 (Austria-Hungary, Australia, United Kingdom), in order to see to what extent principles of international law protecting civilians from the consequences of war can be detected in the pre-war preparations. As far as can be judged so far the issue of loyalty was central in this context. Looking at the war itself, the presentation proposed here will try to look at how far the principles of international law alluded to above continued to influence the policies on “enemy aliens” in the countries mentioned and to see, how the International Committee of the Red Cross tried to use them to legitimize and expand its protective policies in regard to civilians interned in belligerent as well as neutral countries throughout the war.

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​This book presents an up-to-date portrait of the characteristics of sport clubs in various European countries and their role in society and the national sport system. Furthermore, it offers a cross-national comparative perspective of sport clubs in twenty European countries. Containing both empirical data and information on the political and historical backgrounds of sport clubs, the book is organized in three parts. First, the authors provide an overview of the theoretical approach of the book and a description of the framework used for the country chapters. Second, the country chapters, written by experts within the field, provide a systematic overview of the available information on sport clubs in each country. These chapters are structured to answer the following questions: (1) What is the position of sport clubs within the national sport structure? (2) Which role do they fulfil in policy and society? (3) What are their basic characteristics and what factors influence the development of sport clubs? The book is concluded with a systematic comparison of the participating countries with the purpose of forging a clear link between the functioning of policy systems, observed problems, and possible solutions, and with a future research agenda on sport clubs. In an era of increased collaboration between European states, sport provides a natural vehicle through which to compare changes in culture, economics, and policy across nations. Sport Clubs in Europe will appeal to scholars of nonprofit management, sports management and sports sociology as well as administrators and policy makers in the international sports community.

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Potential Desiccation Polygons (PDPs), tens to hundreds of meters in size, have been observed in numerous regions on Mars, particularly in ancient (>3Gyr old) terrains of inferred paleolacustrine/playa geologic setting, and in association with hydrous minerals such as smectites. Therefore, a better understanding of the conditions in which large desiccation polygons form could yield unique insight into the ancient climate on Mars. Many dried lakebeds/playas in western United States display large (>50m wide) desiccation polygons, which we consider to be analogues for PDPs on Mars. Therefore, we have carried out fieldwork in seven of these dried lakes in San Bernardino and the Death Valley National Park regions complemented with laboratory and spectral analysis of collected samples. Our study shows that the investigated lacustrine/playa sediments have (a) a soil matrix containing 40-75% clays and fine silt (by volume) where the clay minerals are dominated by illite/muscovite followed by smectite, (b) carbonaceous mineralogy with variable amounts of chloride and sulfate salts, and significantly, (c) roughly similar spectral signatures in the visible-near-infrared (VIS-NIR) range. We conclude that the development of large desiccation fractures is consistent with water table retreat. In addition, the comparison of the mineralogical to the spectral observations further suggests that remote sensing VIS-NIR spectroscopy has its limitations for detailed characterization of lacustrine/playa deposits. Finally, our results imply that the widespread distribution of PDPs on Mars indicates global or regional climatic transitions from wet conditions to more arid ones making them important candidate sites for future in situ missions.

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There is an ongoing mission in Afghanistan; a mission driven by external political forces. At its core this mission hopes to establish peace, to protect the populace, and to install democracy. Each of these goals has remained just that, a goal, for the past eight years as the American and international mission in Afghanistan has enjoyed varied levels of commitment. Currently, the stagnant progress in Afghanistan has led the international community to become increasingly concerned about the viability of a future Afghan state. Most of these questions take root in the question over whether or not an Afghan state can function without the auspices of international terrorism. Inevitably, the normative question of what exactly that government should be arises from this base concern. In formulating a response to this question, the consensus of western society has been to install representative democracy. This answer has been a recurring theme in the post Cold War era as states such as Bosnia and Somalia bear witness to the ill effects of external democratic imposition. I hypothesize that the current mold of externally driven state-building is unlikely to result in what western actors seek it to establish: representative democracy. By primarily examining the current situation in Afghanistan, I claim that external installation of representative democracy is modally flawed in that its process mandates choice. Representative democracy by definition constitutes a government reflective of its people, or electorate. Thus, freedom of choice is necessary for a functional representative democracy. From this, one can deduce that because an essential function of democracy is choice, its implementation lies with the presence of choice. State-building is an imposition that eliminates that necessary ingredient. The two stand as polar opposites that cannot effectively collaborate. Security, governing capacity, and development have all been targeted as measurements of success in Afghanistan. The three factors are generally seen as mutually constitutive; so improved security is seen as improving governing capacity. Thus, the recent resurgence of the Taliban in Afghanistan and a deteriorating security environment moving forward has demonstrated the inability of the Afghan government to govern. The primary reason for the Afghan government’s deficiencies is its lack of legitimacy among its constituency. Even the use of the term ‘constituency’ must be qualified because the Afghan government has often oscillated between serving the people within its territorial borders and the international community. The existence of the Afghan state is so dependent on foreign aid and intervention that it has lost policy-making and enforcing power. This is evident by the inability of Afghanistan to engage in basic sovereign state activities as maintaining a national budget, conducting elections, providing for its own national security, and deterring criminality. The Afghan state is nothing more than a shell of a government, and indicative of the failings that external state-building has with establishing democracy.

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Cutaneous malignant melanoma (CMM) is the cancer of the melanocytes, the cells that produce the pigment melanin, and is an aggressive skin cancer that is most prevalent in the white population. Although most cases of malignant melanoma are white, black and other non-white populations also develop this disease. However, the etiologic factors involved in the development of melanoma in these lower-risk populations are not well known. Generally, survival rates of malignant melanoma have been found to be lower in blacks than for whites with similar stage of disease at diagnosis. ^ This study presents an analysis of the differences in survival between black and white cases with malignant melanoma of the skin as the only or first primary cancer, found in the National Cancer Institute Surveillance, Epidemiology and End Results (SEER) cancer registry from 1973 to 1997. A total of 54,193 cases of CMM were diagnosed in black and white patients between 1973 and 1997. Black patients tended to be older, with a mean age of 64.46 years, compared to 53.14 years for white patients. Eighty-nine percent of patients were diagnosed with CMM as the only cancer. (Abstract shortened by UMI.)^

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During the summer and fall of 2000, local fair housing organizations in twenty major metropolitan areas nationwide conducted a total of 4,600 paired tests, directly comparing the treatment that African Americans and Hispanics receive to the treatment that whites receive when they visit real estate or rental offices to inquire about available housing. This study, which was sponsored by the U.S. Department of Housing and Urban Development and conducted by the Urban Institute, provides the most complete and up-to-date information available about the persistence of housing market discrimination against African American and Hispanic homeseekers in large urban areas of the United States today and about the progress we have made in combating discrimination over the last decade.

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Cancer of the oral cavity and pharynx remains one of the ten leading causes of cancer death in the United States (US). Besides smoking and alcohol consumption, there are no well established risk factors. While poor dental care had been implicated, it is unknown if the lack of dental care, implying poor dental hygiene predisposes to oral cavity cancer. This study aimed to assess the relationship between dental care utilization during the past twelve months and the prevalence of oral cavity cancer. A cross-sectional design of the National Health Interview Survey of adult, non-institutionalized US residents (n=30,475) was used to assess the association between dental care utilization and self reported diagnosis of oral cavity cancer. Chi square statistic was used to examine the crude association between the predictor variable, dental care utilization and other covariates, while unconditional logistic regression was used to assess the relationship between oral cavity cancer and dental care utilization. There were statistically significant differences between those who utilized dental care during the past twelve months and those who did not with respect to education, income, age, marital status, and gender (p < 0.05), but not health insurance coverage (p = 0.53). Also, those who utilized dental care relative to those who did not were 65% less likely to present with oral cavity cancer, prevalence odds ratio (POR), 0.35, 95% Confidence Interval (CI), 0.12–0.98. Further, higher income advanced age, people of African heritage, and unmarried status were statistically significantly associated with oral cavity cancer, (p < 0.05), but health insurance coverage, alcohol use and smoking were not, p > 0.05. However, after simultaneously controlling for the relevant covariates, the association between dental care and oral cavity cancer did not attenuate nor persist. Thus, compared with those who did not use dental care, those who did wee 62% less likely to present with oral cavity cancer adjusted POR, 0.38, 95% CI, 0.13-1.10. Among US adults residing in community settings, use of dental care during the past twelve months did not significantly reduce the predisposition to oral cavity cancer. However, due to the nature of the data used in this study, which restricts temporal sequence, a large sample prospective study that may identify modifiable factors associated with oral cancer development namely poor dental care, is needed. ^

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Cancer is the second leading cause of death in the United States. With the advent of new technologies, changes in health care delivery, and multiplicity of provider types that patients must see, cancer care management has become increasingly complex. The availability of cancer health information has been shown to help cancer patients cope with the management and effects of their cancers. As a result, more cancer patients are using the internet to find resources that can aid in decision-making and recovery. ^ The Health Information National Trends Survey (HINTS) is a nationally representative survey designed to collect information about the experiences of cancer and non-cancer adults with health information sources. The HINTS survey focused on both conventional sources as well as newer technologies, particularly the internet. This study is a descriptive analysis of the HINTS 2003 and HINTS 2005 survey data. The purpose of the research is to explore the general trends in health information seeking and use by US adults, and especially by cancer patients. ^ From 2003 to 2005, internet use for various health-related activities appears to have increased among adults with and without cancer. Differences were found between the groups in the general trust in information media, particularly the internet. Non-cancer respondents tended to have greater trust in information media than cancer respondents. ^ The latter portion of this work examined characteristics of HINTS respondents that were thought to be relevant to how much trust individuals placed in the internet as a source of health information. Trust in health information from the internet was significantly greater among younger adults, higher-earning households, internet users, online seekers of health or cancer information, and those who found online cancer information useful. ^

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Background. Lack of coverage, lack of access, and failure to utilize health care services have all been linked to dismal health outcomes in the US. Such consequences have been a longstanding challenge that US minorities are faced with, in the context of a health care system believed to be lacking efficiency and equity. National population surveys in the US suggest that the number of uninsured approaches 50 millions, while some concerns and suspicions are raised by opponents to the growing number of foreign born US residents, many of whom are Hispanic. Research shows that race is a significant predictor of lack of coverage, access, and utilization, while age, gender, education, and income are also linked to these outcomes. We investigated the potential effect of immigration status or duration in the US on the association between coverage, access, use, and race. Methods. Using National Health Interview Survey (NHIS) data of 2006, we selected 22, 667 individuals of Non-Hispanic Black, Hispanic, and Non-Hispanic White descent, at least 18 years of age, US-born and foreign-born who reported their duration of residence in the US. Through complex sample survey logistic regression analysis, we computed odds ratios, beta coefficients, and 95% confidence intervals using models which excluded then included immigration status. Results. Although a significant predictor of the outcomes, immigration status did not change the relationship between each of the dependent variables (coverage, access, utilization), and the factor race, while adjusting for age, gender, education, and income. Our results show that Hispanics were least likely to have coverage (OR=.58; 95% CI[.49, .68]), access (OR=.62; 95% CI[.50, .76]), and to utilize services (OR=.60; 95% CI[.46, .79]) followed by Non-Hispanic Blacks, and Non-Hispanic Whites. These results were not changed by stratification, or the inclusion of interaction terms to eliminate the potential effect of relationships between independent variables. Recent immigrants (<5 years in US) were 0.12 times less likely to be insured, but also 0.26 times less likely to utilize services (p<0.001), and in addition they represented only 7.3% of the uninsured and 1.9% of the US population in 2006. Furthermore, 12% of the Non-Hispanic White population in the US was not covered, and 65% of the uninsured individuals were US-Born Citizens. Other predictors of lack of coverage, access and use were age below 45, male gender, education at high school or below, and income of less than $20,000. Conclusion. This investigation shows that the high percentage of uninsured was not directly caused by Hispanics, and immigration status alone could not explain racial differences in coverage, access, and utilization. An immigration reform may not be the solution to the healthcare crisis, and more specifically, will not stop the increase in the number of uninsured in the US, nor reduce the cost of health care. As a better alternative, universal health insu rance coverage should be considered, when aiming to eliminate racial disparities, and to solve the health care crisis. ^ Keywords. health insurance, coverage, access, utilization, race, immigration, disparities.^