Traditionally Protected Forests and Sacred Forests of Zigua and Gweno Ethnic Groups in Tanzania

In Tanzania, indigenous forests can still be found whose existence is based on the management systems of precolonial society. This study covers material from over 900 forests. There are similar types of forests elsewhere in Africa, and similar forests can also be found in indigenous cultures on every continent. In this study they are called traditionally protected forests (TPFs). They have a high level of endemism and a rich biodiversity. The field study was carried out during the years 1997-2003 using participatory methods. An active debate is going on concerning the capacity of local communities to manage their environment. The role of indigenous people and their institutions in the development of the physical environment is a central issue in the debate. This study discusses the opportunities that the local people have had to decide on how to conserve, maintain, utilise, and manage their environment during different political periods. The study explains what kinds of changes have taken place in these forests and institutions in northeastern Tanzania among the matrilinear Zigua and patrilinear Gweno ethnic groups. About 2% of the land area of the communities was still protected by the precolonial structures. The communities have established their protection systems for different reasons, not only because of their beliefs but also because of different secular and clearly environmentally motivated reasons. There are different TPF types. Less than half of them are directly related to spirituality, and more than half are not. In earlier research elsewhere, it has been commonly understood that spiritual reasons played the main role in the protection of these environments. This study is also part of the postcolonial geographical discussion on the precolonial landscape and environmental management which was started by Carl Sauer. In the Zigua case study villages, only two out of five first comer clans have performed rain rituals in the past 30 years. Many of the most respected sacred sites do not have a ritual maker or even a person who knows how to perform rituals any longer. The same is happening with male initiation rites. In all case study villages there have been illegal cuts in the TPFs, but variations can be seen between the communities. The number of those who neither respect indigenous regulations nor accept indigenous penalties is growing. Positive developments have also taken place. Nowadays, the Forest Act of 2002 is in effect, which works as a cornerstone of community-based land ownership and also allows elders to protect TPFs, and by-laws are created with the support of different projects. Moreover, during the field study it was found that many young people are ignorant about their village's TPF sites, but interested in learning about their history and values.

Curriculum frames for two different groups of teachers in Indonesia

This paper reports on a study conducted in Indonesia at a time when two curricular reforms were underway. School-based curriculum was being implemented to allow Indonesian teachers more autonomy to develop curriculum to suit their local school community and its needs. Alongside this, the second concurrent reform introducing Character Education was more strongly prescriptive, requiring all teachers, including those working in language education, to address a particular set of stipulated values across all classes. The Indonesian schooling sector employs teachers at two different levels of professional status: civil servant teachers working in the higher status public sector and non-civil servant teachers who teach in the private Islamic Schools. Each level received different professional learning opportunities to prepare for the reforms. This study is interested in whether and how EFL teachers of different status exercised degrees of professionalism as they recontextualised these reforms in their classes. Nine teachers were interviewed and three of their classes were observed. This study found that the group of teachers with more professional learning could cope better with the weaker framing of school-based curriculum, while teachers with less professional learning reported disengagement with the reforms.

Greenwashing the Trans-Pacific Partnership: Fossil fuels, the environment, and climate change

There has been much controversy over the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) – a plurilateral trade agreement involving a dozen nations from throughout the Pacific Rim – and its impact upon the environment, biodiversity, and climate change. The secretive treaty negotiations involve Australia and New Zealand; countries from South East Asia such as Brunei Darussalam, Malaysia, Singapore, Vietnam, and Japan; the South American nations of Peru and Chile; and the members of the 1994 North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA), Canada, Mexico and the United States. There was an agreement reached between the parties in October 2015. The participants asserted: ‘We expect this historic agreement to promote economic growth, support higher-paying jobs; enhance innovation, productivity and competitiveness; raise living standards; reduce poverty in our countries; and to promote transparency, good governance, and strong labor and environmental protections.’ The final texts of the agreement were published in November 2015. There has been discussion as to whether other countries – such as Indonesia, the Philippines, and South Korea – will join the deal. There has been much debate about the impact of this proposed treaty upon intellectual property, the environment, biodiversity and climate change. There have been similar concerns about the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) – a proposed trade agreement between the United States and the European Union. In 2011, the United States Trade Representative developed a Green Paper on trade, conservation, and the environment in the context of the TPP. In its rhetoric, the United States Trade Representative has maintained that it has been pushing for strong, enforceable environmental standards in the TPP. In a key statement in 2014, the United States Trade Representative Mike Froman insisted: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative maintained: ‘Our proposals in the TPP are centered around the enforcement of environmental laws, including those implementing multilateral environmental agreements (MEAs) in TPP partner countries, and also around trailblazing, first-ever conservation proposals that will raise standards across the region’. Moreover, the United States Trade Representative asserted: ‘Furthermore, our proposals would enhance international cooperation and create new opportunities for public participation in environmental governance and enforcement.’ The United States Trade Representative has provided this public outline of the Environment Chapter of the TPP: A meaningful outcome on environment will ensure that the agreement appropriately addresses important trade and environment challenges and enhances the mutual supportiveness of trade and environment. The Trans-Pacific Partnership countries share the view that the environment text should include effective provisions on trade-related issues that would help to reinforce environmental protection and are discussing an effective institutional arrangement to oversee implementation and a specific cooperation framework for addressing capacity building needs. They also are discussing proposals on new issues, such as marine fisheries and other conservation issues, biodiversity, invasive alien species, climate change, and environmental goods and services. Mark Linscott, an assistant Trade Representative testified: ‘An environment chapter in the TPP should strengthen country commitments to enforce their environmental laws and regulations, including in areas related to ocean and fisheries governance, through the effective enforcement obligation subject to dispute settlement.’ Inside US Trade has commented: ‘While not initially expected to be among the most difficult areas, the environment chapter has emerged as a formidable challenge, partly due to disagreement over the United States proposal to make environmental obligations binding under the TPP dispute settlement mechanism’. Joshua Meltzer from the Brookings Institute contended that the trade agreement could be a boon for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim: Whether it is depleting fisheries, declining biodiversity or reduced space in the atmosphere for Greenhouse Gas emissions, the underlying issue is resource scarcity. And in a world where an additional 3 billion people are expected to enter the middle class over the next 15 years, countries need to find new and creative ways to cooperate in order to satisfy the legitimate needs of their population for growth and opportunity while using resources in a manner that is sustainable for current and future generations. The TPP parties already represent a diverse range of developed and developing countries. Should the TPP become a free trade agreement of the Asia-Pacific region, it will include the main developed and developing countries and will be a strong basis for building a global consensus on these trade and environmental issues. The TPP has been promoted by its proponents as a boon to the environment. The United States Trade Representative has maintained that the TPP will protect the environment: ‘The United States’ position on the environment in the TPP negotiations is this: environmental stewardship is a core American value, and we will insist on a robust, fully enforceable environment chapter in the TPP or we will not come to agreement.’ The United States Trade Representative discussed ‘Trade for a Greener World’ on World Environment Day. Andrew Robb, at the time the Australian Trade and Investment Minister, vowed that the TPP will contain safeguards for the protection of the environment. In November 2015, after the release of the TPP text, Rohan Patel, the Special Assistant to the President and Deputy Director of Intergovernmental Affairs, sought to defend the environmental credentials of the TPP. He contended that the deal had been supported by the Nature Conservancy, the International Fund for Animal Welfare, the Joint Ocean Commission Initiative, the World Wildlife Fund, and World Animal Protection. The United States Congress, though, has been conflicted by the United States Trade Representative’s arguments about the TPP and the environment. In 2012, members of the United States Congress - including Senator Ron Wyden (D-OR), Olympia Snowe (R-ME), and John Kerry (D-MA) – wrote a letter, arguing that the trade agreement needs to provide strong protection for the environment: ‘We believe that a '21st century agreement' must have an environment chapter that guarantees ongoing sustainable trade and creates jobs, and this is what American businesses and consumers want and expect also.’ The group stressed that ‘A binding and enforceable TPP environment chapter that stands up for American interests is critical to our support of the TPP’. The Congressional leaders maintained: ‘We believe the 2007 bipartisan congressional consensus on environmental provisions included in recent trade agreements should serve as the framework for the environment chapter of the TPP.’ In 2013, senior members of the Democratic leadership expressed their opposition to granting President Barack Obama a fast-track authority in respect of the TPP House of Representatives Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi said: ‘No on fast-track – Camp-Baucus – out of the question.’ Senator Majority leader Harry Reid commented: ‘I’m against Fast-Track: Everyone would be well-advised to push this right now.’ Senator Elizabeth Warren has been particularly critical of the process and the substance of the negotiations in the TPP: From what I hear, Wall Street, pharmaceuticals, telecom, big polluters and outsourcers are all salivating at the chance to rig the deal in the upcoming trade talks. So the question is, Why are the trade talks secret? You’ll love this answer. Boy, the things you learn on Capitol Hill. I actually have had supporters of the deal say to me ‘They have to be secret, because if the American people knew what was actually in them, they would be opposed. Think about that. Real people, people whose jobs are at stake, small-business owners who don’t want to compete with overseas companies that dump their waste in rivers and hire workers for a dollar a day—those people, people without an army of lobbyists—they would be opposed. I believe if people across this country would be opposed to a particular trade agreement, then maybe that trade agreement should not happen. The Finance Committee in the United States Congress deliberated over the Trans-Pacific Partnership negotiations in 2014. The new chair Ron Wyden has argued that there needs to be greater transparency in trade. Nonetheless, he has mooted the possibility of a ‘smart-track’ to reconcile the competing demands of the Obama Administration, and United States Congress. Wyden insisted: ‘The new breed of trade challenges spawned over the last generation must be addressed in imaginative new policies and locked into enforceable, ambitious, job-generating trade agreements.’ He emphasized that such agreements ‘must reflect the need for a free and open Internet, strong labor rights and environmental protections.’ Elder Democrat Sander Levin warned that the TPP failed to provide proper protection for the environment: The TPP parties are considering a different structure to protect the environment than the one adopted in the May 10 Agreement, which directly incorporated seven multilateral environmental agreements into the text of past trade agreements. While the form is less important than the substance, the TPP must provide an overall level of environmental protection that upholds and builds upon the May 10 standard, including fully enforceable obligations. But many of our trading partners are actively seeking to weaken the text to the point of falling short of that standard, including on key issues like conservation. Nonetheless, 2015, President Barack Obama was able to secure the overall support of the United States Congress for his ‘fast-track’ authority. This was made possible by the Republicans and dissident Democrats. Notably, Oregon Senator Ron Wyden switched sides, and was transformed from a critic of the TPP to an apologist for the TPP. For their part, green political parties and civil society organisations have been concerned about the secretive nature of the negotiations; and the substantive implications of the treaty for the environment. Environmental groups and climate advocates have been sceptical of the environmental claims made by the White House for the TPP. The Green Party of Aotearoa New Zealand, the Australian Greens and the Green Party of Canada have released a joint declaration on the TPP observing: ‘More than just another trade agreement, the TPP provisions could hinder access to safe, affordable medicines, weaken local content rules for media, stifle high-tech innovation, and even restrict the ability of future governments to legislate for the good of public health and the environment’. In the United States, civil society groups such as the Sierra Club, Public Citizen, WWF, the Friends of the Earth, the Rainforest Action Network and 350.org have raised concerns about the TPP and the environment. Allison Chin, President of the Sierra Club, complained about the lack of transparency, due process, and public participation in the TPP talks: ‘This is a stealth affront to the principles of our democracy.’ Maude Barlow’s The Council of Canadians has also been concerned about the TPP and environmental justice. New Zealand Sustainability Council executive director Simon Terry said the agreement showed ‘minimal real gains for nature’. A number of organisations have joined a grand coalition of civil society organisations, which are opposed to the grant of a fast-track. On the 15th January 2013, WikiLeaks released the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP - along with a report by the Chairs of the Environmental Working Group. Julian Assange, WikiLeaks' publisher, stated: ‘Today's WikiLeaks release shows that the public sweetener in the TPP is just media sugar water.’ He observed: ‘The fabled TPP environmental chapter turns out to be a toothless public relations exercise with no enforcement mechanism.’ This article provides a critical examination of the draft Environment Chapter of the TPP. The overall argument of the article is that the Environment Chapter of the TPP is an exercise in greenwashing – it is a public relations exercise by the United States Trade Representative, rather than a substantive regime for the protection of the environment in the Pacific Rim. Greenwashing has long been a problem in commerce, in which companies making misleading and deceptive claims about the environment. In his 2012 book, Greenwash: Big Brands and Carbon Scams, Guy Pearse considers the rise of green marketing and greenwashing. Government greenwashing is also a significant issue. In his book Storms of My Grandchildren, the climate scientist James Hansen raises his concerns about government greenwashing. Such a problem is apparent with the TPP – in which there was a gap between the assertions of the United States Government, and the reality of the agreement. This article contends that the TPP fails to meet the expectations created by President Barack Obama, the White House, and the United States Trade Representative about the environmental value of the agreement. First, this piece considers the relationship of the TPP to multilateral environmental treaties. Second, it explores whether the provisions in respect of the environment are enforceable. Third, this article examines the treatment of trade and biodiversity in the TPP. Fourth, this study considers the question of marine capture fisheries. Fifth, there is an evaluation of the cursory text in the TPP on conservation. Sixth, the article considers trade in environmental services under the TPP. Seventh, this article highlights the tensions between the TPP and substantive international climate action. It is submitted that the TPP undermines effective and meaningful government action and regulation in respect of climate change. The conclusion also highlights that a number of other chapters of the TPP will impact upon the protection of the environment – including the Investment Chapter, the Intellectual Property Chapter, the Technical Barriers to Trade Chapter, and the text on public procurement.

On the reactivity of carboxyl groups of ribonuclease-A in anhydrous methanol

The esterification of Ribonuclease-A in methanol/0.1 M hydrochloric acid has been studied by measuring the decrease in the number of titratable groups of the protein and estimating the amount of methanol incorporated. Esterification of nearly five of the 11 free carboxyl groups of the protein resulted in almost complete inactivation of the enzyme. The initial products of esterification have been chromatographed on Amberlite columns, and five partially active methyl ester derivatives of Ribonuclease-A have been isolated. The dimethyl ester, the initial product of esterification with reduced catalytic activity, has the carboxyl groups of Glu-49 and Asp-53 modified. Even in the non-aqueous solvent, as in the native structure of the protein in aqueous solution, these carboxyl groups are the fast reacting ones. Subsquently, the esterification reaction appears to proceed preferentially at the C-terminal region of the molecule. Comparison of the reactivities of carboxyl groups of Ribonuclease-A in acidic methanol to that known in aqueous solutions (with carbodiimides) suggests that the structure of Ribonuclease-A in the non-aqueous solvent resembles, at least in part, the structure in aqueous environment.

Traditional Village Governance (Desa Adat) and Inter-ethnic Conflict in Bali : A Study of Conflict between Balinese and Migrants: Cases from Municipality of Denpasar

Regional autonomy in Indonesia was initially introduced as a means of pacifying regional disappointment at the central government. Not only did the Regional Autonomy Law of 1999 give the Balinese a chance to express grievance regarding the centralist policies of the Jakarta government but also provided an opportunity to return to the regional, exclusive, traditional village governance (desa adat). As a result, the problems faced by the island, particularly ethnic conflicts, are increasingly handled by the mechanism of this traditional type of governance. Traditional village governance with regard to ethnic conflicts (occurring) between Balinese and migrants has never been systematically analyzed. Existing analyses emphasized only the social context, but do not explain either the cause of conflicts and the ensuing problems entails or the virtues of traditional village governance mechanisms for mediating in the conflict. While some accounts provide snapshots, they lack both theoretical and conflict study perspective. The primary aim of this dissertation is to explore the expression and the causes of conflict between the Balinese and migrants and to advance the potential of traditional village governance as a means of conflict resolution with particular reference to the municipality of Denpasar. One conclusion of the study is that the conflict between the Balinese and migrants has been expressed on the level of situation/contradiction, attitudes, and behavior. Yet the driving forces behind the conflict itself consist of the following factors: absence of cooperation; incompatible position and perception; inability to communicate effectively; and problem of inequality and injustice, which comes to the surface as a social, cultural, and economic problem. This complex of factors fuels collective fear for the future of both groups. The study concludes that traditional village governance mechanisms as a means of conflict resolution have not yet been able to provide an enduring resolution for the conflict. Analysis shows that the practice of traditional village governance is unable to provide satisfactory mechanisms for the conflict as prescribed by conflict resolution theory. Traditional village governance, which is derived from the exclusive Hindu-Balinese culture, is accepted as more legitimate among the Balinese than the official governance policies. However, it is not generally accepted by most of the Muslim migrants. In addition, traditional village governance lacks access to economic instruments, which weakens its capacity to tackle the economic roots of the conflict. Thus the traditional mechanisms of migrant ordinance , as practiced by the traditional village governance have not yet been successful in penetrating all aspects of the conflict. Finally, one of the main challenges for traditional village governance s legal development is the creation of a regional legal system capable of accommodating rapid changes in line with the national and international legal practices. The framing of the new laws should be responsive to the aspirations of a changing society. It should not only protect the various Balinese communities interests, but also that of other ethnic groups, especially those of the minority. In other words, the main challenge to traditional village governance is its ability to develop flexibility and inclusiveness.

Synthesis of a one-dimensional coordination polymer containing pendant hydrosulfide groups

In view of the recent interest in compounds containing M-SH units, an organotin hydrosulfide compound, Me2Sn(SH)(O2CMe) (1) was prepared by controlled hydrolysis of the diorganotin thioacetate. Under similar mild hydrolytic conditions the corresponding benzoate could not be isolated. Instead, the thiobenzoate complex, Me2Sn(SOCPh)(2) (3) was obtained in excellent yields indicating that there was no hydrolysis. Both 1 and 3 were characterized by X-ray crystallography. Some properties of the polymeric compound 1, such as spectral, electrical conductivity and NLO response were also studied. The reactivity and properties were explained using density functional calculations.

Preparation of Palladium(II) Complexes of Isonitrosoacetylacetoneimines Having O- and N-Coordinated Isonitroso Groups

Methods for the preparation of palladium(II) complexes of the type Pd(R-IAI)(IAI'), where IAI' is the anion of isonitrosoacetylacetoneimine and R-IAI, its N-alkyl or N-aryl derivative, are given.

The influence of esterification of carboxyl groups of ribonuclease-a on its structure and immunological activity

The effect of modification of carboxyl groups of Ribonuclease-Aa on the enzymatic activity and the antigenic structure of the protein has been studied. Modification of four of the eleven free carboxyl groups of the protein by esterification in anhydrous methanol/0.1 M hydrochloric acid resulted in nearly 80% loss in enzymatic activity but had very little influence on the antigenic structure of the protein. Further increases in the modification of the carboxyl groups caused a progressive loss in immunological activity, and the fully methylated RNase-A exhibited nearly 30% immunological activity. Concomitant with this change in the antigenic structure of the protein, the ability of the molecule to complement with RNase-S-protein increased, clearly indicating the unfolding of the peptide "tail" from the remainder of the molecule. The susceptibility to proteolysis, accessibility of methionine residues for orthobenzoquinone reaction and the loss in immunological activity of the more extensively esterified derivatives of RNase-A are suggestive of the more flexible conformation of these derivatives as compared with the compact native conformation. The fact that even the fully methylated RNase-A retains nearly 30% of its immunological activity suggested that the modified protein contained antibody recognizable residual native structure, which presumably accommodates some antigenic determinants.

Lobbying by ethnic groups and aid allocation

We develop a political-economic model of foreign aid allocation. Each ethnic group in the donor country lobbies the government to allocate more aid to its country of origin, and the government accepts political contributions from lobby groups. Initial per-capita income of the recipients and those of the ethnic groups are shown to be important determinants of the solution of the political equilibrium. We also examine the effects of changes in the degree of corruption, aid fatigue, and ethnic composition, in the donor country on the allocation of aid.

Adaptation of the Australian core food groups to enable planning of vegan and lactovegetarian diets

This work demonstrates how the Australian core food groups system can be modified to enable the planning of vegan and lactovegetarian diets as well as omnivorous diets. In the modified version the cereals, vegetables and fruits groups remain the same as in the core food groups system, while the meat group is replaced with legumes, soya products, nuts and seeds. The milk group becomes milk or fortified soya milk, to allow for both lactovegetarian and vegan diets. The core food groups standard of 70% of the recommended dietary intake was adopted as a target for determining recommendations on the minimum number of serves from each food group. As found in the development of the core food groups system, zinc was the most limiting nutrient. Vitamin B 12 and calcium were other limiting nutrients in the vegan and lactovegetarian guides. The number of serves from each group required to meet 70% of the applicable recommended dietary intake has been calculated for children from four years old, adult men and women and pregnant and lactating women. It was found that the number of serves from each food group required in the vegan and lactovegetarian planning guides was in most cases similar to the number of serves of corresponding core food groups specified for a particular population group. This suggests that the vegan and lactovegetarian planning guides could be incorporated into a modified core food groups planning guide. Such a guide would cater for the general omnivorous population as well as for those seeking to avoid meat and/or dairy products. (Aust J Nutr Diet 1999:56:22-30) Key words: vegan, vegetarian, food guide, food groups, dietary planning.

Surveillance of Surgical Site Infections following Major Hip and Knee Surgery in Finland

Background and aims. Since 1999, hospitals in the Finnish Hospital Infection Program (SIRO) have reported data on surgical site infections (SSI) following major hip and knee surgery. The purpose of this study was to obtain detailed information to support prevention efforts by analyzing SIRO data on SSIs, to evaluate possible factors affecting the surveillance results, and to assess the disease burden of postoperative prosthetic joint infections in Finland. Methods. Procedures under surveillance included total hip (THA) and total knee arthroplasties (TKA), and the open reduction and internal fixation (ORIF) of femur fractures. Hospitals prospectively collected data using common definitions and written protocol, and also performed postdischarge surveillance. In the validation study, a blinded retrospective chart review was performed and infection control nurses were interviewed. Patient charts of deep incisional and organ/space SSIs were reviewed, and data from three sources (SIRO, the Finnish Arthroplasty Register, and the Finnish Patient Insurance Centre) were linked for capture-recapture analyses. Results. During 1999-2002, the overall SSI rate was 3.3% after 11,812 orthopedic procedures (median length of stay, eight days). Of all SSIs, 56% were detected after discharge. The majority of deep incisional and organ/space SSIs (65/108, 60%) were detected on readmission. Positive and negative predictive values, sensitivity, and specificity for SIRO surveillance were 94% (95% CI, 89-99%), 99% (99-100%), 75% (56-93%), and 100% (97-100%), respectively. Of the 9,831 total joint replacements performed during 2001-2004, 7.2% (THA 5.2% and TKA 9.9%) of the implants were inserted in a simultaneous bilateral operation. Patients who underwent bilateral operations were younger, healthier, and more often males than those who underwent unilateral procedures. The rates of deep SSIs or mortality did not differ between bi- and uni-lateral THAs or TKAs. Four deep SSIs were reported following bilateral operations (antimicrobial prophylaxis administered 48-218 minutes before incision). In the three registers, altogether 129 prosthetic joint infections were identified after 13,482 THA and TKA during 1999-2004. After correction with the positive predictive value of SIRO (91%), a log-linear model provided an estimated overall prosthetic joint infection rate of 1.6% after THA and 1.3% after TKA. The sensitivity of the SIRO surveillance ranged from 36% to 57%. According to the estimation, nearly 200 prosthetic joint infections could occur in Finland each year (the average from 1999 to 2004) after THA and TKA. Conclusions. Postdischarge surveillance had a major impact on SSI rates after major hip and knee surgery. A minority of deep incisional and organ/space SSIs would be missed, however, if postdischarge surveillance by questionnaire was not performed. According to the validation study, most SSIs reported to SIRO were true infections. Some SSIs were missed, revealing some weakness in case finding. Variation in diagnostic practices may also affect SSI rates. No differences were found in deep SSI rates or mortality between bi- and unilateral THA and TKA. However, patient materials between these two groups differed. Bilateral operations require specific attention paid to their antimicrobial prophylaxis as well as to data management in the surveillance database. The true disease burden of prosthetic joint infections may be heavier than the rates from national nosocomial surveillance systems usually suggest.

Aggregation of apolar peptides in organic solvents. Concentration dependence of 1H-nmr parameters for peptide NH groups in 310 helical decapeptide fragment of suzukacillin

Peptide NH chemical shifts and their temperature dependences have been monitored as a function of concentration for the decapeptide, Boc-Aib-Pro-Val-Aib-Val-Ala-Aib-Ala-Aib-Aib-OMe in CDCl3 (0.001-0.06M) and (CD3)2SO (0.001-0.03M). The chemical shifts and temperature coefficients for all nine NH groups show no significant concentration dependence in (CD3)2SO. Seven NH groups yield low values of temperature coefficients over the entire range, while one yields an intermediate value. In CDCl3, the Aib(1) NH group shows a large concentration dependence of both chemical shift and temperature coefficient, in contrast to the other eight NH groups. The data suggest that in (CD3)2SO, the peptide adopts a 310 helical conformation and is monomeric over the entire concentration range. In CDCl3, the 310 helical peptide associates at a concentration of 0.01M, with the Aib(1) NH involved in an intermolecular hydrogen bond. Association does not disrupt the intramolecular hydrogen-bonding pattern in the decapeptide.

Cup products for groups and commutators

We give it description, modulo torsion, of the cup product on the first cohomology group in terms of the descriptions of the second homology group due to Hopf and Miller.

Domains in complex surfaces with non-compact automorphism groups

Let X be an arbitrary complex surface and D a domain in X that has a non-compact group of holomorphic automorphisms. A characterization of those domains D that admit a smooth, weakly pseudoconvex, finite type boundary orbit accumulation point is obtained.