676 resultados para Mate Poaching


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Entre 1935 y 1939 se produjo la llegada de una nueva corriente de inmigrantes suizos al Territorio Nacional de Misiones. Éstos –a diferencia de los ya establecidos una década antes atraídos por las ventajas que ofrecía el cultivo de la yerba mate– vinieron en condiciones de desocupación producto de la crisis económica por la que estaba atravesando su país de origen. Sin embargo, debido a la creación de la Comisión Reguladora de la Yerba Mate [CRYM] en 1935, una vez asentado en territorio misionero no pudieron realizar plantaciones de yerba mate por lo que debieron buscar otras fuentes de sustento. Línea Cuchilla fue una de las colonias destino de esta corriente y, en ese sentido, nos proponemos analizar los factores de atracción y las principales dificultades que tuvieron en la adaptación al nuevo espacio. Metodológicamente, se trabajó con memorias y entrevistas a los inmigrantes y sus descendientes, con el relato de Luis Ferrari En Misión a Misiones y con el documental Gli eredi della crisi.

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El trabajo aborda la situación que atraviesa la fracción más importante de trabajadores de la actividad rural de la Provincia de Misiones; los trabajadores y trabajadoras de la cosecha de la Yerba Mate (tareferos), una de las actividades económicas más importantes y distributivas de la zona, y con mayor utilización de mano de obra rural. La Tarefa es una emblemática actividad por la histórica explotación que han sufrido estos trabajadores. Ha sido reflejada en numerosas novelas, películas y canciones, como por ejemplo “El mensú” de Ramón Ayala. La autora realiza en su tesis una sucinta descripción de la evolución histórica de la Protección Social en Argentina, con sus avances y retrocesos, incluyendo los recientes años de desregulación y flexibilización vinculados a la época de los noventas y la llamada “globalización” neoliberal.

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El presente trabajo comprende los procesos de articulación entre las políticas sociales y las políticas laborales para el mercado de trabajo de la Yerba Mate. En el marco de las recientes transformaciones en la regulación de los mercados de trabajo rurales (Nueva Ley de Trabajo Agrario (N° 26.727), se analiza el proceso de incorporación/exclusión de un colectivo de trabajadores cosecheros de Yerba Mate (tareferos) al sistema de registración formal, pertenecientes a la localidad de Jardín América, Misiones. La redefinición de la categoría de trabajador ocupado- desocupado, debido a la condición de estacionalidad de su actividad económica (6 meses), conduce a la ubicación de dichos actores en distintas esferas de participación económica y productiva. Para alcanzar un nivel mínimo de ingresos, los cosecheros deben sortear sus posibilidades laborales, y complementarlos con la provisión de transferencias económicas provenientes del sistema de seguridad social no contributivo (AUH), fundamentalmente durante los meses de inactividad/interzafra.

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Se analizara brevemente la explotación extractiva yerbatera en la región Altoparanaense, del extremo norte al igual que en la vecina área del “Contestado” controladas por Brasil luego del laudo Cleveland. El problema de la ocupación de tierras por pequeños y medianos agricultores en oposición al sistema extractivo de las grandes compañías yerbateras que utilizaban el trabajo a destajo. La utilización de la mano de obra indígena y criolla fue un elemento importante que las grandes empresas intentaron resolver para asegurarse la continuidad del proceso extractivo yerbatero. La Compañía Matte Larangeira fue desde sus comienzos una de las más representativas y poderosas empresas con una “élite regional” que influyó en un amplio espacio geográfico transfronterizo.

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Maestría en Antropología Social. Programa de Postgrado en Antropología Social, Secretaría de Investigación y Postgrado, Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias Sociales. Universidad Nacional de Misiones. Dirección: Gabriela Schiavoni y Alina Báez. Año 2014.

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La actual provincia de Misiones desarrolló una economía relacionada a cultivos industriales, particularmente yerba mate y tabaco. El sistema productivo se enlazó a ellos, los cuales además modelaron las explotaciones agrícolas y al sujeto social agrario. El objetivo de este trabajo es analizar las acciones colectivas desplegadas por el cooperativismo yerbatero misionero y la representación de intereses del sector, tomando como referente a la Federación de Cooperativas Agrícolas de Misiones (Fedecoop); las mismas serán puestas en relación con los cambios en las políticas estatales a partir de la década de 1950 hasta 1976. Se sostiene la hipótesis de que las cooperativas promueven una organización económica y social válida para los sujetos rurales del agro misionero. Para este análisis histórico, interesa considerar la construcción de hegemonía, entrelazados con el vínculo existente entre los proyectos productivos y sociales que sostenía el sujeto cooperativo y aquél que el Estado intentó reformular al finalizar el gobierno peronista en 1955. El propósito es ponderar cuáles fueron las consecuencias de los cambios ocurridos a partir del paso de un Estado interventor a uno burocrático autoritario sobre el movimiento cooperativo.

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El propósito de este trabajo es investigar los motivos, anhelos, sueños, deseos que llevan a un grupo de entre 20 y 25 ex presos políticos a reunirse semanalmente en el local del sindicato Luz y Fuerza, Córdoba. Optamos por entrevistar a quienes daban la sensación de ser más participativos o más explícitos, en la elección procuramos que hubiesen casi por igual miembros de las dos organizaciones mayoritarias en el pasado: Montoneros y Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores. El celo a la hora de elegir se entronca con las subculturas que emergieron de las organizaciones. Otro aspecto observado es la cuestión de género, mujeres y hombres, equitativamente incorporados, se constituyeron en narradores.2 En la ciudad mediterránea hubo alrededor de dos mil detenidos por causas políticas a partir de la dictadura que iniciara Jorge Rafael Videla. La curiosidad social es acicateada por el número exiguo de ex-represaliados que constituyen la comisión de presos políticos, que entre otras tareas peticiona ante las autoridades solicitando reivindicaciones a raíz de su condición de ex detenidos, organizan eventos sociales y políticos, gestionan los ex centros de detención convertidos en "museos de la memoria", impulsan los juicios contra los ex represores, editan publicaciones. Concurrimos a las reuniones semanales, a asados, "locreadas"; empleamos en las investigaciones la observación participante. La participación se dio en eventos, en compartir ruedas de mate en la casa de los entrevistados, íntimas ruedas de café, por un fenómeno de indexicalidad en relación con el discurso ideológico pudimos avanzar en la profundidad de la conversación. Además, de las entrevistas en profundidad, analizamos material periodístico y material escrito por los detenidos; cuando la emoción del entrevistado dificultaba la conversación, en algunos casos nos remitieron a elaboraciones suyas sobre la situación planteada.. Nos favoreció, en el trabajo, el hecho de haber participado en la vida política, y el tener familiares que lucharon junto a los ex-represaliados. A pesar de ello no fue fácil llegar a subjetividades que hacía largo tiempo se hallaban abroqueladas. Mead e Erving Goffman nos acompañaron en el camino de reconocimiento de los selfs en la dramaturgia montada en el local de Luz y Fuerza

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Led to become a national productive Center, the Great Dourados Region, which consists of 40 cities located in the south of the state of Mato Grosso do Sul - Brazil, emerged as a grain productive region from the middle of the 1970s in the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century. Using modern agricultural techniques, the land organization in this region was ruled by a development policy which was not concerned with the socio environmental aspects of the area. In this context, the present work aims to analyze the development process of the Great Dourados region, through soybean production and its relation to the confinement of the indigenous people present in the Area. This integration happened due to the money and for it, inserting this Region into a national productive pattern which guided the farmers to modern crops, mainly soybean. The land cultivation was not the only productive activity that granted the Region an economic integration, to both the national and international market. From the end of the Paraguay War (1870) to the middle of the 70s, there were at least two other ways to the regional economic integration. One of them happened with the traditional activities of cattle raising and the extraction of the Paraguay tea (maté/ Yerba Mate) from 1870 to 1937, which divided the regional territory into large farmlands focused on the external market. The other way happened with the need to create a market for the agricultural production and for the demand for manufactured goods, which reorganized the regional territory into small farmlands, as a result of colonization projects from 1943 to 1956. Since 1976, with the creation of the Special Program for the Development of the Great Dourados Region (Prodegran), the capitalist relations of production, which were consolidated in the area, were not ruled almost exclusively by the traditional activities of cattle raising and the extraction of the Paraguay tea, in order to create a new accumulation center connected to the modern crops. As this new accumulation center was created, the Region was led to a selective and dependent integration process, in which many farmers changed their accumulation centers to modern grain crops, causing environmental degradation, productive exclusion and ethnical-cultural conflicts with the indigenous community

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Para los estudiosos de Max Aub, ha sido un rompecabezas intentar averiguar cuál es el límite entre la ficción y la realidad en la novela histórica Jusep Torres Campalans, basada en una ingente documentación sobre Picasso y el ambiente artístico parisino previo a 1914. Tendíamos a creer que el personaje de Ana María Merkel, la compañera del pintor, era totalmente inventado, pero esta mujer, coetánea de Max Aub, realmente existió, y la dificultosa búsqueda de su rastro nos descubre la penuria de la imagen de las mujeres artistas en la literatura, fiel reflejo de la tradicional desigualdad en el reconocimiento social de su valía.

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Para los estudiosos de Max Aub, ha sido un rompecabezas intentar averiguar cuál es el límite entre la ficción y la realidad en la novela histórica Jusep Torres Campalans, basada en una ingente documentación sobre Picasso y el ambiente artístico parisino previo a 1914. Tendíamos a creer que el personaje de Ana María Merkel, la compañera del pintor, era totalmente inventado, pero esta mujer, coetánea de Max Aub, realmente existió, y la dificultosa búsqueda de su rastro nos descubre la penuria de la imagen de las mujeres artistas en la literatura, fiel reflejo de la tradicional desigualdad en el reconocimiento social de su valía.

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El propósito de este trabajo es investigar los motivos, anhelos, sueños, deseos que llevan a un grupo de entre 20 y 25 ex presos políticos a reunirse semanalmente en el local del sindicato Luz y Fuerza, Córdoba. Optamos por entrevistar a quienes daban la sensación de ser más participativos o más explícitos, en la elección procuramos que hubiesen casi por igual miembros de las dos organizaciones mayoritarias en el pasado: Montoneros y Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores. El celo a la hora de elegir se entronca con las subculturas que emergieron de las organizaciones. Otro aspecto observado es la cuestión de género, mujeres y hombres, equitativamente incorporados, se constituyeron en narradores.2 En la ciudad mediterránea hubo alrededor de dos mil detenidos por causas políticas a partir de la dictadura que iniciara Jorge Rafael Videla. La curiosidad social es acicateada por el número exiguo de ex-represaliados que constituyen la comisión de presos políticos, que entre otras tareas peticiona ante las autoridades solicitando reivindicaciones a raíz de su condición de ex detenidos, organizan eventos sociales y políticos, gestionan los ex centros de detención convertidos en "museos de la memoria", impulsan los juicios contra los ex represores, editan publicaciones. Concurrimos a las reuniones semanales, a asados, "locreadas"; empleamos en las investigaciones la observación participante. La participación se dio en eventos, en compartir ruedas de mate en la casa de los entrevistados, íntimas ruedas de café, por un fenómeno de indexicalidad en relación con el discurso ideológico pudimos avanzar en la profundidad de la conversación. Además, de las entrevistas en profundidad, analizamos material periodístico y material escrito por los detenidos; cuando la emoción del entrevistado dificultaba la conversación, en algunos casos nos remitieron a elaboraciones suyas sobre la situación planteada.. Nos favoreció, en el trabajo, el hecho de haber participado en la vida política, y el tener familiares que lucharon junto a los ex-represaliados. A pesar de ello no fue fácil llegar a subjetividades que hacía largo tiempo se hallaban abroqueladas. Mead e Erving Goffman nos acompañaron en el camino de reconocimiento de los selfs en la dramaturgia montada en el local de Luz y Fuerza

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Led to become a national productive Center, the Great Dourados Region, which consists of 40 cities located in the south of the state of Mato Grosso do Sul - Brazil, emerged as a grain productive region from the middle of the 1970s in the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century. Using modern agricultural techniques, the land organization in this region was ruled by a development policy which was not concerned with the socio environmental aspects of the area. In this context, the present work aims to analyze the development process of the Great Dourados region, through soybean production and its relation to the confinement of the indigenous people present in the Area. This integration happened due to the money and for it, inserting this Region into a national productive pattern which guided the farmers to modern crops, mainly soybean. The land cultivation was not the only productive activity that granted the Region an economic integration, to both the national and international market. From the end of the Paraguay War (1870) to the middle of the 70s, there were at least two other ways to the regional economic integration. One of them happened with the traditional activities of cattle raising and the extraction of the Paraguay tea (maté/ Yerba Mate) from 1870 to 1937, which divided the regional territory into large farmlands focused on the external market. The other way happened with the need to create a market for the agricultural production and for the demand for manufactured goods, which reorganized the regional territory into small farmlands, as a result of colonization projects from 1943 to 1956. Since 1976, with the creation of the Special Program for the Development of the Great Dourados Region (Prodegran), the capitalist relations of production, which were consolidated in the area, were not ruled almost exclusively by the traditional activities of cattle raising and the extraction of the Paraguay tea, in order to create a new accumulation center connected to the modern crops. As this new accumulation center was created, the Region was led to a selective and dependent integration process, in which many farmers changed their accumulation centers to modern grain crops, causing environmental degradation, productive exclusion and ethnical-cultural conflicts with the indigenous community

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Para los estudiosos de Max Aub, ha sido un rompecabezas intentar averiguar cuál es el límite entre la ficción y la realidad en la novela histórica Jusep Torres Campalans, basada en una ingente documentación sobre Picasso y el ambiente artístico parisino previo a 1914. Tendíamos a creer que el personaje de Ana María Merkel, la compañera del pintor, era totalmente inventado, pero esta mujer, coetánea de Max Aub, realmente existió, y la dificultosa búsqueda de su rastro nos descubre la penuria de la imagen de las mujeres artistas en la literatura, fiel reflejo de la tradicional desigualdad en el reconocimiento social de su valía.

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Led to become a national productive Center, the Great Dourados Region, which consists of 40 cities located in the south of the state of Mato Grosso do Sul - Brazil, emerged as a grain productive region from the middle of the 1970s in the 20th century to the beginning of the 21st century. Using modern agricultural techniques, the land organization in this region was ruled by a development policy which was not concerned with the socio environmental aspects of the area. In this context, the present work aims to analyze the development process of the Great Dourados region, through soybean production and its relation to the confinement of the indigenous people present in the Area. This integration happened due to the money and for it, inserting this Region into a national productive pattern which guided the farmers to modern crops, mainly soybean. The land cultivation was not the only productive activity that granted the Region an economic integration, to both the national and international market. From the end of the Paraguay War (1870) to the middle of the 70s, there were at least two other ways to the regional economic integration. One of them happened with the traditional activities of cattle raising and the extraction of the Paraguay tea (maté/ Yerba Mate) from 1870 to 1937, which divided the regional territory into large farmlands focused on the external market. The other way happened with the need to create a market for the agricultural production and for the demand for manufactured goods, which reorganized the regional territory into small farmlands, as a result of colonization projects from 1943 to 1956. Since 1976, with the creation of the Special Program for the Development of the Great Dourados Region (Prodegran), the capitalist relations of production, which were consolidated in the area, were not ruled almost exclusively by the traditional activities of cattle raising and the extraction of the Paraguay tea, in order to create a new accumulation center connected to the modern crops. As this new accumulation center was created, the Region was led to a selective and dependent integration process, in which many farmers changed their accumulation centers to modern grain crops, causing environmental degradation, productive exclusion and ethnical-cultural conflicts with the indigenous community

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Lobsigensee is a small kettle hole lake 15 km north-west of Bern on the Swiss Plateau, at an altitude of 514 m asl. Its surface is 2ha today, its maximum depth 2.7 m; it has no inlet and the overflow functions mainly during snow melting. The area was covered by Rhone ice during the Last Glaciation (map in Fig.2). Local geology, climate and vegetation are summarized in Figure 3A-C, the history of settlement in Figures 5-7. In order to reconstruct the vegetational and environmental history of the lake and its surroundings pollen analysis and other bio- and isotope stratigraphies were applied to twelve profiles cored across the basin with modified Livingstone corers (Fig.3 D). (1) The standard diagram: The central core LQ-90 is described as the standard pollen diagram (Chapter 3) with 10 local pollen assemblage zones of the Late-Glacial (local PAZ Ll to Ll0, from about 16'000(7) to 10'000 years BP) and 20 PAZ of the Holocene (local PAZ L11 to L30), see Figs. 8-10 and 20-24. Local PAZ L 1 to L3 are in the Late-Glacial clay and record the vegetational development after the ice retreat: L1 shows very low pollen concentration and high Pinus percentages due to long-distance transport and reworking; the latter mechanism is corroborated by the findings of thermophilous and pre-Quaternary taxa. Local PAZ L2 has a high di versi ty of non-arboreal pollen (NAP) and reflects the Late-Glacial steppe rich in heliophilous species. Local PAZ L3 is similar but additionally rich in Betula nana and Sal1x, thus reflecting a "shrub tundra". The PAZ L1 to L3 belong to the Oldest Dryas biozone. Local PAZ L4 to L 10 are found in the gyttja of the profundal or in the lake marl of the littoral and record the Late-Glacial forests. L4 is the shrub phase of reforestation with very high Junlperus and rapidly increasing Betula percentages. L5 is the PAZ with a first, L7 with a second dominance of tree-birches, separated by L6 showing a depression in the Betula curve. L4 to L7 can be assigned to the Balling biozone. Possible correlation of the Betula depression to the Older Dryas biozone is discussed. In local PAZ L8 Plnus immigrates and expands. L9 shows a facies difference in that Plnus dominates over Betula in littoral but not in profundal spectra. L8 and L9 belong to the Allerod biozone. In its youngest part the volcanic ash from Laach/Eifel is regularly found (11,000 BP). The local PAZ Ll0 corresponds to the Younger Dryas blozone. The merely slight increase of the NAP indicates that the pine forests of the lowland were not strongly affected by a cooler climate. In order to evaluate the significance of the littoral accumulation of coniferous pollen the littoral profile LQ-150 is compared to the profundal. Radiocarbon stratigraphies derived from different materials are presented in Figures 13 and 14 and in Tables 2 and 3. The hard-water errors in the gyttja samples and the carbonate samples are similar. The samples of terrestrial plant macrofossils are not affected by hard-water errors. Two plateaux of constant age appear in the age-depth relationship; their consequence for biostratigraphy as well as pollen concentration and influx diagrams are discussed. Radiocarbon ages of the Late-Glacial pollen zones are shown in Table 10. The Holocene vegetational history is recorded in the local PAZ L 11 to L30. After a Preboreal (PAZ L11) dominated by pine and birch the expansions of Corylus, Ulmus and Quercus are very rapid. Among these taxa Corylus dominates dur ing the Boreal (PAZ L 12 and L 1 3), whereas the components of the mixed oak forest dominate in the Older Atlantic (PAZ L14 to L16). In the Younger Atlantic (PAZ L 17 to L 19) Fagus and Alnus play an increasing, the mixed oak forest a decreasing role. During the period of local PAZ L19 Neolithic settlers lived on the shore of Lobsigensee. During the Subboreal (PAZ L20 and L21) and the Older Subatlantic (L22 to L25) strong fluctuations of Fagus and often antagonistic peaks of NAP, Alnus, Betula and Corylus can be interpreted as signs of human impact on vegetation. L23 is characterized not only by high values of NAP (especially apophytes and anthropochorous species) but also by the appearance of Juglans, Castanea and Secale which point to the Roman colonization of the area. For a certain period during the Younger Subatlantic (PAZ L26 to L30) the lake was used for retting hemp (Cannabis). Later the dominance of Quercus pollen indicates the importance of wood pastures. The youngest sediments reflect the wide-spread agricultural grass lands and the plantation of Pinus and Picea. Radiocarbon dates for the Holocene are given in Figure 23 and Table 4, the extrapolated ages of the Holocene pollen zones in Table 15. (2) The cross sections: Figures 25 and 26 give a summary of the litho- and palynostratigraphy of the two cross sections. Based on 11 Late-Glacial and 9 Holocene pollen diagrams (in addition to the standard ones), the consistency of the criteria for the definition of the pollen zones is examined in Tables 7 and 8 for the Late-Glacial and in Tables 11 to 14 for the Holocene. Sediment thicknesses across the basin for each pollen zone are presented in these tables as well as in Figures 43 to 45 for the Late-Glacial and in Figures 59 to 65 for the Holocene. Sediment focusing can explain differences between the gyttja cores of the profundal. Focusing is more than compensated for through "stretching" by carbonate precipitation on the littoral terrace. Pollen influx to the cross section are discussed (Chapters 4.1.5. and 4.2.3.). (3) The regional pollen zones: Based on some selected sites between Lake Geneva and Lake Constance regional pollen zones are proposed (Table 16, 17 and 19). (4) Paleoecology: Climatic change in the Late-Glacial can be inferred from Coleoptera, Trichoptera, Chironomidae and d18O of carbonates: a distinct warming is recorded around 12' 600 BP and around 10' 000 BP. The Younger Dryas biozone (10'700-10'000 BP) was the only cooling found in the Late-Glacial. The Betula depression often correlated wi th the Older Dryas biozone was possibl not colder but dryer than the previous period. During the Holocene the lowland site is not very sensitive to the minor climatic changes. Table 22 summarizes climatic and trophic changes before 8'000 BP as deduced from various biostratigraphies studied by a number of authors. Ostracods, Chironomids and fossil pigments indicate that anoxic conditions prevailed during the BoIling (possibly meromixis). Changes in the lake level are illustrated in Figure 74. A first lake-level lowering occurred in the early Holocene (10'000 to 9'000 BP), a second during the Atlantic (about 6'800 to 5'200 BP). The first "shrinking" of the lake volume resulted in a eutrophication recorded by laminations in the profundal and by pigments of Cyanophyceae. The second fall in water level corresponds to an increase of Nymphaeaceae. Human impact can be inferred in three ways: eutrophication of the lake (since the Neolithic), changes of terrestrial vegetation by deforestations (cyclicity of Fagus, see Figures 78 to 80), and enhanced erosion (increasing sedimentation rates by inwashed clay, particularly since the Roman Colonization, see Figures 49 and 81). Summary: This paper was planned as the final report on Lobsigensee. However, a number of issues are not answered but can only be asked more precisely, for example: (1) For the two periods with the highest rates of change, Le. the Bolling and the Preboreal biozones, pollen influx may reflect vegetation dynamics. Detailed investigations of these periods in annually laminated sediments are planned. (2) Biostratigraphies other than palynostratigraphy are needed to estimate the degree of linkage or independence in the development of terrestrial and lacustrine ecosystems. Often our sampling intervals were not identical, thus influencing our temporal resolution. (3) 6180- and 14C-stratigraPhies with high resolution will elucidate the leads and lags of these dynamic periods. Plateaux of constant age in the age-depth relationship have a strong bearing on both biological and geophysical understanding of Late-Glacial and early Holocene developments. (4) Numerical methods applied to the pollen diagrams of the cross section will help to quantify the significance of similari ties and dissimilarities across a single basin (with Prof. Birks). (5) Numerical methods applied to different sites on the Swiss Plateau and on the transect across the Alps will be helpful in evaluating the influence of different environmental factors (with Prof. Birks). (6) A new map 1: 1000 with 50cm-contour lines prov ided by Prof. Zurbuchen will be combined with a grid of cores sampling the transition from lake marl to peat enabling us to calculate paleo-volumes of the lake. This is interesting for the two "shrinking periods" (in Fig. 74A numbers 2-6 and 7-10), both accompanied by eutrophication. The pal eo-volume during the Neoli thic set tlement of the Cortaillod culture linked wi th an est l.mate of trophic change derived from diatoms (Prof. Smol in prep.) could possibly give an indication of the size of the human population of this period. (7) For the period with the antagonism between Fagus peaks and ABC-peaks close collaboration between palynologists, geochemists and archeologists should enable us to determine the influence of prehistoric and historic people on vegetation (collaboration with Prof. Stockli and Prof. Herzig). (8) The core LL-75 taken with a "cold letter box" will be analysed for major and trace elements by Dr. Sturm for 210pb and 137Cs by Prof.von Gunten and for pollen. We will see if our local PAZ L30 really corresponds to the surface sediment and if the small seepage lake reflects modern pollution.