904 resultados para Legal Stability Constracts, Foreign Investment, National Investment, Law 963 of 2005, ICSID
Resumo:
En la Argentina, el año 2002 marca el inicio de una serie de transformaciones productivas con fuerte impacto sobre las dinámicas territoriales, a partir de la llegada de inversiones extranjeras directas. Una importante porción de dichas inversiones se orienta a desarrollar actividades de baja jerarquización, en donde la competitividad se obtiene vía la reducción de los costos laborales y el otorgamiento de ventajas impositivas y subsidios hacia las empresas. La significativa expansión de la actividad de los call centers tercerizadores -que, en los últimos años, se localizan masiva y vertiginosamente en las principales ciudades del interior de nuestro país- es la evidencia empírica de este fenómeno. Analizar sus características, junto con una detallada descripción de las interacciones de los organismos estatales y los sectores políticos, sociales y económicos involucrados en la instalación de los call centers, no solo permite observar las transformaciones territoriales -en tanto se insertan nuevas actividades productivas y de empleo- sino que visibiliza mecanismos de cooperación y/o conflicto mediante los cuales los actores nacionales y foráneos posibilitan y modelan la inserción de lo global en lo local, materializando así novedosas lógicas de organización territorial, que representamos bajo el concepto "nuevas territorialidades". A lo largo de todo el trabajo, intentamos que nuestra mirada de estos procesos pueda dar cuenta de las (a)simetrías de poder entre los agentes económicos y actores estatales y extraestatales, en el marco de espacios locales periféricos en una época de globalización
Resumo:
En la Argentina, el año 2002 marca el inicio de una serie de transformaciones productivas con fuerte impacto sobre las dinámicas territoriales, a partir de la llegada de inversiones extranjeras directas. Una importante porción de dichas inversiones se orienta a desarrollar actividades de baja jerarquización, en donde la competitividad se obtiene vía la reducción de los costos laborales y el otorgamiento de ventajas impositivas y subsidios hacia las empresas. La significativa expansión de la actividad de los call centers tercerizadores -que, en los últimos años, se localizan masiva y vertiginosamente en las principales ciudades del interior de nuestro país- es la evidencia empírica de este fenómeno. Analizar sus características, junto con una detallada descripción de las interacciones de los organismos estatales y los sectores políticos, sociales y económicos involucrados en la instalación de los call centers, no solo permite observar las transformaciones territoriales -en tanto se insertan nuevas actividades productivas y de empleo- sino que visibiliza mecanismos de cooperación y/o conflicto mediante los cuales los actores nacionales y foráneos posibilitan y modelan la inserción de lo global en lo local, materializando así novedosas lógicas de organización territorial, que representamos bajo el concepto "nuevas territorialidades". A lo largo de todo el trabajo, intentamos que nuestra mirada de estos procesos pueda dar cuenta de las (a)simetrías de poder entre los agentes económicos y actores estatales y extraestatales, en el marco de espacios locales periféricos en una época de globalización
Resumo:
This paper examines concerns about the impact that TTIP could have on existing and future climate policies and laws from the inclusion of provisions on investment protection including investor-to-State dispute settlement (ISDS), the reduction of non-tariff barriers and the introduction of rules for trade in energy and raw materials. It argues that from an environmental perspective, ISDS should not necessarily be seen as a regime that goes against the defence of the environment or prevention of climate change. Although it might be used to challenge policies of an EU home State that increase levels of environmental protection, it can also be used to contest changes in an EU home State’s environmental policies that would reduce the protection of the environment, if foreign investment is affected. To a large extent, this also holds true for other areas of TTIP negotiations. While the achievement of a balance between rules that promote trade and those that maintain policy space for governments to respond to environmental concerns has to be closely monitored, benefits for climate could be seized from harmonisation of carbon laws at the level of the strictest regulations of two parties, provisions that promote trade in low carbon technologies and renewable energy and bilateral cooperation on climate change.
Resumo:
This paper concerns the measurement of the impact of tax differentials across countries on inflow of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) by using comprehensive data on the foreign operations of U.S. multinational corporations that has been collected by the Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA), the U.S. Department of Commerce. In particular, this research focuses on examining: (1) how responsive FDI locations are to tax differentials across countries, (2) how different the tax effect on FDI inflow is between developed and developing countries, and (3) whether investment location decisions have become more or less sensitive to tax differences between countries over time ranging from the late 1990s to the early 2000s. Estimation results suggest that high rates of corporate income taxation are associated with reduced foreign assets of U.S. multinational firms in all industries by decreasing the return to foreign asset investment. Further, foreign assets of U.S. multinationals in all industries have become more responsive to non-income tax differentials across countries than to income tax differences from 1999 to 2004. Empirical estimates also indicate that foreign investment by American firms is associated with higher tax sensitivity more in developed countries than in those that are developing.
Resumo:
Actualmente el sector privado posee un papel relevante en la provisión y gestión de infraestructuras de transporte en los países de ingreso medio‐bajo, principalmente a través de los proyectos de participación público‐privada (PPPs). Muchos países han impulsado este tipo de proyectos con el fin de hacer frente a la gran demanda de infraestructuras de transporte existente, debido a la escasez de recursos públicos y a la falta de eficiencia en la provisión de los servicios públicos. Como resultado, las PPPs han experimentado un crecimiento importante en las últimas dos décadas a nivel mundial. A pesar de esta tendencia creciente, muchos países no han sido capaces de atraer la participación del sector privado para la provisión de sus infraestructuras o no han logrado el nivel de participación privada que habrían requerido para alcanzar sus objetivos. Según numerosos autores, el desarrollo y el éxito de los proyectos PPP de infraestructuras de transporte de cualquier país está condicionado por una diversidad de factores, siendo uno de ellos la calidad de su entorno institucional. La presente tesis tiene como objetivo principal analizar la influencia del entorno institucional en el volumen de inversión en proyectos de participación público‐privada de infraestructuras de transporte en los países de ingreso medio‐bajo. Para acometer dicho objetivo se ha realizado un análisis empírico de 81 países distribuidos en seis regiones del mundo, durante el periodo 1996‐2013. En el análisis se han desarrollado dos modelos empíricos aplicando principalmente dos metodologías: el contraste de hipótesis y los modelos de datos de panel Tobit. El desarrollo de estos modelos ha permitido analizar de una forma exhaustiva el tema de estudio. Los resultados obtenidos aportan evidencia de que la calidad del entorno institucional posee una influencia significativa en el volumen de inversión en los proyectos PPP de transporte. En general, en esta tesis se muestran evidencias empíricas de que el sector privado ha tendido a invertir en mayor medida en países con entornos institucionales fuertes, es decir, en aquellos países en los que ha existido un mayor nivel de Estado de derecho, estabilidad política y regulatoria, efectividad del gobierno, así como un mayor control de la corrupción. Además, aquellos países donde se ha registrado una mejora en el nivel de su calidad institucional también han experimentado un incremento en el volumen de inversión en PPP de transporte. The private sector has an important role in the provision and management of transport infrastructure in countries of medium‐low income, primarily through projects of public‐private partnerships (PPPs). Many countries have developed PPP projects to meet the high demand of transport infrastructure, due to the scarcity of public resources and the lack of efficiency in the provision of public services. As a result, PPPs have experienced a significant growth, worldwide, in the past two decades. Despite this growing trend, many countries have not been able to attract private sector participation in the provision of infrastructure or have not accomplished the level of private participation that would have required to achieve its objectives. According to various authors, the development of PPP projects for transport infrastructure is determined by a number of factors, one of them being the quality of the institutional environment. The main objective of this dissertation is to analyze the influence of the institutional environment on the volume of investment, in projects of public‐private partnerships for transport infrastructure in countries of medium‐low income. In order to meet this objective, we conducted an empirical analysis of 81 countries, in six regions of the world, during the period of 1996‐2013. The analysis used two empirical models, implementing different methodologies and various statistical techniques: hypothesis testing, and Tobit model using panel data. The development of these models allowed to carry out a more comprehensive analysis. The results show that the quality of the institutional environment has a significant influence on the volume of investment in PPP projects of transport. Overall, this dissertation shows that the private sector tends to invest more in countries with stronger institutional environments, i.e. countries where there has been a higher level of Rule of Law, political and regulatory stability, and an effective control of corruption. In addition, those that have improved the level of institutional quality have also experienced an increase in the volume of investment in PPP of transport.
Resumo:
A Administração Financeira surge no início do século XIX juntamente com o movimento de consolidação das grandes empresas e a formação dos mercados nacionais americano enquanto que no Brasil os primeiros estudos ocorrem a partir da segunda metade do século XX. Desde entãoo país conseguiu consolidar alguns centros de excelência em pesquisa, formar grupo significativo de pesquisadores seniores e expandir as áreas de pesquisa no campo, contudo, ainda são poucos os trabalhos que buscam retratar as características da produtividade científica em Finanças. Buscando contribuir para a melhor compreensão do comportamento produtivo dessa área a presente pesquisa estuda sua produção científica, materializada na forma de artigos digitais, publicados em 24 conceituados periódicos nacionais classificados nos estratos Qualis/CAPES A2, B1 e B2 da Área de Administração, Ciências Contábeis e Turismo. Para tanto são aplicadas a Lei de Bradford, Lei do Elitismo de Price e Lei de Lotka. Pela Lei de Bradford são identificadas três zonas de produtividade sendo o núcleo formado por três revistas, estando uma delas classificada no estrato Qualis/CAPES B2, o que evidencia a limitação de um recorte tendo como único critério a classificação Qualis/CAPES. Para a Lei do Elitismo de Price, seja pela contagem direta ou completa, não identificamos comportamento de uma elite semelhante ao apontado pela teoria e que conta com grande número de autores com apenas uma publicação.Aplicando-se o modelo do Poder Inverso Generalizado, calculado por Mínimos Quadrados Ordinários (MQO), verificamos que produtividade dos pesquisadores, quando feita pela contagem direta, se adequa àquela definida pela Lei de Lotka ao nível de α = 0,01 de significância, contudo, pela contagem completa não podemos confirmar a hipótese de homogeneidade das distribuições, além do fato de que nas duas contagens a produtividade analisada pelo parâmetro n é maior que 2 e, portanto, a produtividade do pesquisadores de finanças é menor que a defendida pela teoria.
Resumo:
The Academy has elected 72 new members and 15 foreign associates from 10 countries in recognition of their distinguished and continuing achievements in original research. The election was held during the business session of the 138th annual meeting of the Academy. Election to membership in the Academy is considered one of the highest honors that can be accorded a U.S. scientist or engineer. Foreign associates are non-voting members of the Academy, with citizenship outside of the United States.
Resumo:
The Academy has elected 60 new members and 15 foreign associates from 9 countries in recognition of their distinguished and continuing achievements in original research. The election was held during the business session of the 137th annual meeting of the Academy. Election to membership in the Academy is considered one of the highest honors that can be accorded a U.S. scientist or engineer. Foreign associates are non-voting members of the Academy, with citizenship outside of the United States.
Resumo:
Os altos índices de corrupção no Brasil levaram a criação de algumas leis com o intuito de combater este mal que corrói a democracia e que preocupa todos os países democráticos. Este trabalho busca verificar as novas ferramentas jurídicas, bem como a responder a uma questão. Há mais alguma reforma necessária? Alguns estudos apontam influência de aspectos do sistema eleitoral no índice de corrupção. Se há, que reforma nesse sentido o Brasil poderia adotar? Foram utilizados método dialético e método comparativo, para análise de doutrina e legislação estrangeiras, comparando-as com as nacionais, e método indutivo para a análise de dados. Foram feitos grandes avanços legislativos, mas há que discutir o que pode ser aprimorado para criar um ambiente menos fértil à corrupção e tornar mais eficazes os mecanismos de controle dos agentes públicos.
Resumo:
O processo para o refúgio é o conjunto de regras e princípios necessários à aplicação do Direito dos Refugiados aos casos concretos. Quando este conjunto respeita os padrões democráticos do Devido Processo Legal, as tendências históricas de exploração e manipulação política do instituto de refúgio podem ser limitadas e os objetivos humanitários deste ramo dos Direitos Humanos podem ser alcançados com maior transparência. Quando o Devido Processo Legal para o refúgio é respeitado, também se permite que a pessoa que figura como solicitante de refúgio seja tratada como sujeito de direitos - e não como objeto do processo. Uma vez que a Convenção de Genebra de 1951, sobre o Estatuto dos Refugiados, não estabeleceu normas de processo, cada país signatário necessita criar um regime próprio para processar os pedidos de determinação, extensão, perda e cessação da condição de refugiado em seus territórios. O primeiro regime processual brasileiro foi criado no ano de 1997, pela Lei Federal 9497. Desde então, o país vem desenvolvendo, através do Comitê Nacional para Refugiados (CONARE), regras infra legais e rotinas práticas que têm determinado um padrão processual ainda fragmentado e inseguro. O estudo do aparato normativo nacional e da realidade observada entre 2012 e 2014 revelam a existência de problemas (pontuais ou crônicos) sobre o cumprimento de diversos princípios processuais, tais como a Legalidade, a Impessoalidade e Independência da autoridade julgadora, o Contraditório, a Ampla Defesa, a Publicidade, a Fundamentação, a Igualdade e a Razoável Duração do Processo. Estes problemas impõem desafios variados ao Brasil, tanto em dimensão legislativa quanto estrutural. O enfrentamento destas questões precisa ocorrer com rapidez. O motivo da urgência, porém, não é a nova demanda de imigração observada no país, mas sim o fato de que as violações ao Devido Processo Legal, verificadas no processo para o refúgio brasileiro, representam, em si, violações de Direitos Humanos, que, ademais prejudicam o compromisso do país para com a proteção internacional dos refugiados.
Resumo:
[Introduction.] It is generally believed that while the principle of the autonomy of the EU legal order, in the sense of constitutional and institutional autonomy that is to say what concerns the autonomous decision-making of the EU, has been clearly strengthened by the most recent jurisprudence of the Court of Justice (eg. Moxplant3, Intertanko or the Kadi/Al Baraakat judgements or the Opinion 1/2009 of the CJEU etc.) as well as, in my opinion, in many aspects by the Treaty of Lisbon, it is still valid to add that the principle of a favourable approach, stemming from the Court jurisprudence, for the enhanced openness of the EU legal order to international law has remained equally important for the EU4. On the other hand, it should be also seen that in a globalized world, and following the increased role of the EU as an international actor, its indispensable and crucial role concerning the creation of world (legal) order in many policy fields ( for example let's think about the G20 issues, the global economic and financial crisis, the role of the EU in promoting and protecting human rights worldwide, the implementation of the multilateral or regional conventional law, developed in the framework the UN (e.g. in the field of agriculture or environment etc) or what concerns the Kyoto process on climate change or the conservation of marine biological resources at international level etc), it seems reasonable and justified to submit that the influence, for example, of the law-making activities of the main stakeholder international organizations in the mentioned policy-areas on the EU (especially on the development of its constantly evolving legal order) or vice-versa the influence of the EU law-making practice on these international organizations is significant, in many aspects mutually interdependent and more and more remarkable. This tendency of the 21st century doesn't mean, however, in my view, that the notion of the autonomy of the EU legal order would have been weakened by this increasing interaction between international law and EU law over the passed years. This contribution is going to demonstrate and prove these departuring points by giving some concrete examples from the most recent practice of the Council (all occuring either in the second half of 2009 or after the entry into force of the Lisbon Treaty), and which relate to two very important policy areas in the EU, namely the protection of human rights and the Common Fishery Policy.
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[Introduction.] Over the last two years, not only inside but also outside the framework of the EU treaties, far reaching measures have been taken at the highest political level in order to address the financial and economic crisis in Europe and in particular the sovereign debt crisis in the Euro area. This has triggered debates forecasting the “renationalisation of European politics.” Herman Van Rompuy, the President of the European Council, countered the prediction that Europe is doomed because of such a renationalisation: “If national politics have a prominent place in our Union, why would this not strengthen it?” He took the view that not a renationalisation of European politics was at stake, but an Europeanization of national politics emphasising that post war Europe was never developed in contradiction with nation states.1 Indeed, the European project is based on a mobilisation of bundled, national forces which are of vital importance to a democratically structured and robust Union that is capable of acting in a globalised world. To that end, the Treaty of Lisbon created a legal basis. The new legal framework redefines the balance between the Union institutions and confirms the central role of the Community method in the EU legislative and judiciary process. This contribution critically discusses the development of the EU's institutional balance after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, with a particular emphasis on the use of the Community Method and the current interplay between national constitutional courts and the Court of Justice. This interplay has to date been characterised by suspicion and mistrust, rather than by a genuine dialogue between the pertinent judicial actors.
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From the Introduction. The aim of the present “letter” is to provoke, rather than to prove. It is intended to further stimulate the – already well engaged – scientific dialogue on the open method of coordination (OMC).1 This explains why some of the arguments put forward are not entirely new, while others are overstretched. This contribution, belated as it is entering into the debate, has the benefit of some hindsight. This hindsight is based on three factors (in chronological order): a) the fact that the author has participated himself as a member of a national delegation in one of the OMC-induced benchmarking exercises (only to see the final evaluation report getting lost in the Labyrinth of the national bureaucracy, despite the fact that it contained an overall favorable assessment), as well as in a OECD led exercise of coordination, concerning regulatory reform; b) the extremely rich and knowledgeable academic input, offering a very promising theoretical background for the OMC; and c) some recent empirical research as to the efficiency of the OMC, the accounts of which are, to say the least, ambiguous. This recent empirical research grounds the basic assumption of the present paper: that the OMC has only restricted, if not negligible, direct effects in the short term, while it may have some indirect effects in the medium-long term (2). On the basis of this assumption a series of arguments against the current “spread” of the OMC will be put forward (3). Some proposals on how to neutralize some of the shortfalls of the OMC will follow (4).
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From the Introduction. This article seeks to examine the relationship between European Union law, international law, and the protection of fundamental rights in the light of recent case law of the European Court of Justice (ECJ) and the Court of First Instance (CFI) relating to economic sanctions against individuals. On 3 September 2008, the ECJ delivered its long-awaited judgment in Kadi and Al Barakaat on appeal from the CFI.3 In its judgment under appeal,4 the CFI had held that the European Community (EC) is competent to adopt regulations imposing economic sanctions against private organisations in pursuance of UN Security Council (UNSC) Resolutions seeking to combat terrorism; that although the EC is not bound directly by the UN Charter, it is bound pursuant to the EC Treaty to respect international law and give effect to UNSC; and that the CFI has jurisdiction to examine the compatibility of EC regulations implementing UNSC resolutions with fundamental rights not as protected by the EC but as protected by jus cogens. On appeal, following the Opinion of Maduro AG, the ECJ rejected the CFI’s approach. It held that UNSC resolutions are binding only in international law. It subjected the contested regulations to full review under EC human rights standards and found them in breach of the right to a hearing, the right to judicial protection and the right to property. Kadi and Al Barakaat is the most important judgment ever delivered by the ECJ on the relationship between EC and international law and one of its most important judgments on fundamental rights. It is imbued by constitutional confidence, commitment to the rule of law but also some scepticism towards international law. In the meantime, the CFI has delivered a number of other judgments on anti-terrorist sanctions assessing the limits of the “emergency constitution” at European level. The purpose of this paper is to examine the above case law and explore the dilemmas and tensions facing the EU judiciary in seeking to define and protect the EU’s distinct constitutional space. It is divided as follows. It first looks at the judgment in Kadi. After a short presentation of the factual and legal background, it explores the question whether the EU has competence to adopt smart sanctions. It then examines whether the EU is bound by resolutions of the Security Council, whether the ECJ has jurisdiction to review Community measures implementing such resolutions and the applicable standard of judicial scrutiny. It analyses the contrasting views of the CFI, the Advocate General, and the ECJ taking account also of the case law of the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR). Further, it explores the consequences of annulling the contested regulation. It then turns to discussing CFI case law in relation to sanctions lists drawn up not by the UN Security Council but by the EC. The paper concludes by welcoming the judgment of the ECJ. Whilst its reasoning on the issue of Community competence is questionable, once such competence is established, it is difficult to support the abrogation of Community standards for the protection of fundamental rights. Such standards should ensure procedural due process whilst recognising the importance of public security.
Resumo:
From the Introduction. The pharmaceutical sector inquiry carried out by the European Commission in 2008 provides a useful framework for assessing the relationship between the patent system on the one hand and competition policy and law on the other hand. The pharmaceutical market is not only specifically regulated. It is also influenced by the special characteristics of the patent system which enables pharmaceutical companies engaged in research activities to enter into additional arrangements to cope with the competitive pressures of early patent application and the delays in drug approval. Patents appear difficult to reconcile with the need for sufficient and adequate access to medicines, which is why competition expectations imposed on the pharmaceutical sector are very high. The patent system and competition law are interacting components of the market, into which they must both be integrated. This can result in competition law taking a very strict view on the pharmaceutical industry by establishing strict functional performance standards for the reliance on intellectual property rights protection granted by patent law. This is in particular because in this sector the potential welfare losses are not likely to be of only monetary nature. In brief, the more inefficiencies the patent system produces, the greater the risk of an expansive application of competition law in this field. The aim of the present study is to offer a critical and objective view on the use or abuse of patents and defensive strategies in the pharmaceutical industry. It shall also seek to establish whether patents as presently regulated offer an appropriate degree of protection of intellectual property held by the economic operators in the pharmaceutical sector and whether there is a need or, for that matter, scope for improvement. A useful starting point for the present study is provided by the pharmaceutical sector competition inquiry (hereafter “the sector inquiry”) carried out by the European Commission during the first half of 2008. On 8 July 2008, the Commission adopted its Final Report pursuant to Article 17 of Regulation 1/2003 EC, revealing a series of “antitrust shortcomings” that would require further investigation1.