807 resultados para Hold
Resumo:
Inclusionary practlces prescrlbe that children, regardless of exceptlonal1ty shall benefit from recelving educatlonal servlce 1n the context of the regular class setting. The resulting el1mlnatlon of separate speclal classes could be v1ewed as aneconom1c advantage. In po1nt of fact, many school boards and d1strlcts 1n both Canada and the Unlted States are movlng towards 1mplementatlon of lncluslonary practice, posslbly for the above stated reason. Regardless, 1ncluslon as It relates to the emot1onal1y/behav1ourally disordered youth in our school systems may not be successful. Regular education teachers may not be prepared professlonal1y or personally to deal wlth this very spec1al student populat1on. Th1s study focused on teacher attitude 1n thls regard. As welll poss1ble factors that may lead to successful 1nclusion of these students are examined. Of these, teacher exper1ence, educat10n spec1f1c to the d1sab111ty of emot1onal/behavloural dlsordered comb1ned w1th teacher self-percept1on of success appear to hold the greatest promise. In v1ew of these flndlngs, recommendations are made for professlonal pract1ce and future research d1rect1ons.
Resumo:
The conceptualization of childhood has changed over the centuries and appears to be undergoing further change in our post-modern culture. While the United Nations Convention on the Right of the Child is designed to give children everywhere basic human rights while taking into consideration their special needs, no recent research has examined adult attitudes toward those rights. In an attempt to understand the attitudes adults hold regarding autonomy rights and to look for some factors that could predict those attitudes, the current study considers values, parenting style, emotions and the issue of parent status as possible predictor variables. A total of 90 participants took part in the research, which had both written and interview components. Results generally failed to establish a reliable set of predictors. However, some interesting information was obtained regarding the endorsement of children's autonomy rights and some general conclusions were reached about our view of children and their rights at the end of the twentieth century.
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A convenience sample of twenty registered nurses was recruited from two' general hospitals and two community college nursing schools. Kelly's (1955) Personal Construct Theory provided the theoretical framework to discover how nurses perceived themselves as educators. The nurses completed a self-administered Self-Perception Inventory (Soares, 1983) to determine their perception of self as nurse and ideal self as nurse. In an interview, each of the nurses constructed a rank-order repertory grid adapted from Kelly's (1955) Role Repertory Construct Test. Twelve constructs derived from the Self-Perception Inventory (Soares, 1983) were ranked according to a list of ten elements common to a teaching situation. Rank order correlations among the constructs were determined with Spearman's rho. Using a dependent samples t-test, significant differences were found between perceptions of current and ideal self for staff nurses. Significant differences were also found between nurse educators' perceptions of self and ideal self as nurse. No significant differences were determined in perceptions of self as nurse and ideal self as nurse between the staff nurse and nurse educator groups with an independent samples t-test. However, observations of single constructs revealed that although several constructs are shared between the groups in the perception of self in a teaching situation, both groups hold constructs that operate exclusively in their separate domains. The nature and strength of the relationships between the common and unique constructs are different for each group. Nurses I self-perceptions appear to be influenced by the historical development of nursing, role socialization during nursing education, social expectations and gender issues in the health care system.
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Canadians appear to hold the activities of those in government and in big business in low esteem. Media reports of several high-profile political and corporate instances of unethical conduct have reinforced the public's concern for the status of ethical conduct and honesty in government and in big business. The response by public and private sector managers to unethical conduct by employees is largely in the form of 'ethical rules' which both sectors agree provide a measure of certainty as to the ethical conduct expected from employees. Since research on ethics in the public and private sectors is limited and since ethics is a topic of increasing concern to both sectors, this thesis provides data that could assist managers in dealing with the issue of ethical conduct within their respective organizations. The purpose of this thesis is to compare the state of ethical conduct within public and private sector organizations in Canada. This is accomplished through a description and analysis of the approaches taken by the public and private sectors as well as the four professions of law, engineering, accountancy and medicine. Ethical conduct within the public sector focuses on the ethical behaviour of public servants rather than elected officials. The underlying intent of this thesis is to discover if contemporary ethical problems are similar in the public and iv private sectors with respect to the four ethical areas of conflict of interest, political activity, problem public comment and confidentiality. The comparative data on both public and private sector ethics are assessed and similarities and differences are identified. One major finding emerges from this study. Codes of ethics in both the public and private sectors are perceived by management to play an important role in the prevention of unethical conduct. A procedure for developing a code of ethics is presented along with recommendations as to the administration of a code of ethics. Finally, recommendations are made as to the role of education in ethics.
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The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.
Resumo:
The Falkland Islands War of 1982 was fought over competing claims to sovereignty over a group of islands off the east coast of South America. The dispute was between Argentina and the United Kingdom. Argentina claims the islands under rights to Spanish succession, the fact that they lie off the Argentine coast line and that in 1833 Great Britain took the islands illegally and by force. The United Kingdom claims the islands primarily through prescription--the fact that they have governed the islands in a peaceful, continuous and public manner since 1833. The British also hold that the population living on the islands, roughly eighteen hundred British descendants, should be able to decide their own future. The United Kingdom also lays claim to the islands through rights of discovery and settlement, although this claim has always been challenged by Spain who until 1811 governed the islands. Both claims have legal support, and the final decision if there will ever be one is difficult to predict. Sadly today the ultimate test of sovereignty does not come through international law but remains in the idea that "He is sovereign who can defend his sovereignty." The years preceding the Argentine invasion of 1982 witnessed many diplomatic exchanges between The United Kingdom and Argentina over the future of the islands. During this time the British sent signals to Argentina that ii implied a decline in British resolve to hold the islands and demonstrated that military action did more to further the talks along than did actual negotiations. The Argentine military junta read these signals and decided that they could take the islands in a quick military invasion and that the United Kingdom would consider the act as a fait accompli and would not protest the invasion. The British in response to this claimed that they never signaled to Argentina that a military solution was acceptable to them and launched a Royal Navy task force to liberate the islands. Both governments responded to an international crisis with means that were designed both to resolve the international crisis and increase the domestic popularity of the government. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was facing an all-time low in popularity for post-War Prime Ministers while Argentine President General Galtieri needed to gain mass popular support so he could remain a viable President after he was scheduled to lose command of the army and a seat on the military junta that ran the country. The military war for the Falklands is indicative of the nature of modern warfare between Third World countries. It shows that the gap in military capabilities between Third and First World countries is narrowing significantly. Modern warfare between a First and Third World country is no longer a 'walk over' for the First World country.
Resumo:
Abstract This research takes the lens of social reproduction as a starting point for an examination of the effects of recent social welfare reforms on the lives o.fsingle mothers. As the cumulative effects o.f diminishing state provided benefits take hold, tensions are heightened as single mothers internalize the insecurity of earning an income in 11 capitalist labour market, while trying to carry out all that is involved in social reproduction with inadequate means of survival. Through interviewing single mothers who are the recipients of mUltiple state provided benefits (social assistance, student loans, subsidized housing and subsidized childcare), this thesis illuminates the cOl1linued regulation of women in an effort to assure that social reproduction is occurring at the lowest cost possible. State provided benefits are set lip in such a way that it is near impossible for single mothers to make ends meet without entering the labour force or entering into co-residential relationships. This push towards the labour force and/or marriage via punitive welfare policies illuminates the devaluation of the labour that is done at home. Through interviewing 5 single mothers, I will demonstrate the extensive labour that goes into maintaining their households. In addition .J case managers are interviewed. The employees of social assistance, subsidized hOllsing, subsidized childcare and student loans, have much agency in deeming who is worthy of receiving benefits. The employees of these agencies have the ability to make these women's lives easier or more complicated by how the workers interpret the policy regulations. Social policies are of paramount importance in the quest for women's equality and thus have consequences for how women's daily lives are organized. The rules and regulations that govern the individual policies are complex and bureaucratic and have implications for the ways in which women must organize their lives in order to survive. The shifts in social policy have been guided by neo-liberal assumptions with a focus on individual responsibility and a market-modeled welfare state. The caring work that is involved in raising children to be productive in a capitalist society is ignored or devalued in current policies. The emphasis in each polic.:v is on getting women who receive benefits into the paid work force, with little facilitation or investment into the caring work these women do on a daily basis that in turn supports capitalism. Policies, such as social assistance, subsidized housing, subsidized childcare and student loans, are set up in such a way that ignores the reality of women's day-to-day lives and devalues the necessary work done at home. It takes an abundance of labour and strategizing for women to seek out necessary means of survival, labour that is amplified when a woman is dealing with mUltiple slate provided benefits.
Resumo:
The purpose ofthis study was to explore the perceptions of wellness and bidance amongst female health care professionals negotiating career, family aiul continuing education commitments. Five women who met the criteria of having a family (with children), holding a full-time professional career in health care, and who were presently pursuing continuing education were interviewed. This paper begins with the introduction to the topic of research and the questions to be answered. The review of literature explores the theory and research A^ch precede this study and addresses the surrounding areas of: wellness, balance, multiple roles, stress and continuing education. < This study has assumed a qualitative, phenomenological approach. The data collected through the use of individual interviews were analyzed using a two-part process. Analysis using both (a) methodological interpretation and (b) The Listening Guide method has allowed for the uncovering of major themes, and the portrayal of each participant's unique experience. Some of the major themes which emerged from this research include: wellness as multidimensional and fluctuating, making personal sacrifices, the presence of stress, professional as a vital role, and continuing education as something for me. Perhaps the most significant finding this research has identified is the positive role continuing education can hold in the lives of women already negotiating multiple commitments. The notion that continuing education can act as a means of enhancing perceptions of wellness and balance holds a number of implications in theory, practice, and for future research.
Resumo:
Q-methodology permitted 41 people to communicate their perspective of grief. In an attempt to clarify the research to date and to allow those who have experienced this human journey to direct the scientists, 80 statements were chosen to present to the participants based on the research from academic and counselling sources. Five different perspectives emerged from the Q-sorts and factor analysis. Each perspective was valuable for the understanding of different groups of mourners. They were interpreted using questionnaire data and interview information. They are as follows: Factor 1- Growth Optimism; Factor 2 - Schema Destruction and Negative Affect; Factor 3- Identification with the Deceased Person; Factor 4- Intact World view with High Clarity and High Social Support; Factor 5- Schema Destruction with High Preoccupation and Attention to Emotion. Some people grow in the face of grief, others hold on to essentially the same schemas and others are devastated by their loss. The different perspectives reported herein supply clues to the sources of these differing outcomes. From examination of Factor 1, it appears that a healthy living relationship helps substantially in the event of loss. An orientation toward emotions that encourages clarity, exemplified by Factor 4, without hyper-vigilance to emotion may be helpful as well. Strategies for maintaining schematic representations of the world with little alteration include: identification with the values of the deceased person, as in Factor 3 and reliance on social support and/or God as demonstrated by Factor 4. When the relationship had painful periods, social support may be accessed to benefit some mourners. When the person's frame of reference or higher order schemas are assaulted by the events of loss, the people most at risk for traumatic grief seem to be those with difficult relationships as indicated by Factor 5 individuals. When low social support, high attention to emotion with low clarity and little belief that feelings can be altered for the better are also attributes of the mourner devastating grief can result. In the end, there are groups of people who are forced to endure the entire process of schema destruction and devastation. Some appear to recover in part and others appear to stay in a form of purgatory for many years. The results of this study suggest that, those who experience devastating grief may be in the minority. In the future interventions could be more specifically addressed if these perspectives are replicated in a larger, more detailed study.
Resumo:
Inclusionary practices prescribe that chl1dren, regardless of exceptional1ty shall benef1t from receiv1ng educational serv1ce 1n the context of the regular class sett1ng. The result1ng el1minat1on of separate spec1al classes could be v1ewed as an econom1c advantage. In point of fact, many school boards and d1str1cts 1n both Canada and the United States are mov1ng towards 1mplementat1on of inclusionary practice, possibly for the above stated reason. Regardless, 1nclusion as 1t relates to the emot1onally/behav1ourally disordered youth in our school systems may not be successful. Regular educat ion teachers may not be prepared profess1onally or personally to deal w1th this very special student population. Th1s study focused on teacher attitude 1n this regard. As well, poss1ble factors that may lead to successful 1nclusion of these students are examined. Of these, teacher exper1ence, educat10n spec1f1c to the d1sab1l1ty of emot1onal/behavioural d1sordered comb1ned w1th teacher self-perception of success appear to hold the greatest promise. In view of these findings, recommendat1ons are made for professional pract1ce and future research d1rect1ons.
Resumo:
The NDP was founded out of the ashes of the Co-Operative Commonwealth Federation to cooperate with the Canadian Labour Congress to become the 'political arm of organized labour' in Canada. The NDP has long claimed they are the party which represents the policy goals of organized labour in Canada: that the NDP alone will fight for trade union rights, and will fight for Canadian workers. Divergent Paths is an examination of the links between the labour movement and the ND P in an era ofneo-liberalism. Provincial NDP governments have become increasingly neoliberal in their ideological orientation, and have often proved to be no friend to the labour movement when they hold office. The Federal party has never held power, nor have they ever formed the Official Opposition. This thesis charts the progress of the federal NDP as they become more neoliberal from 1988 to 2006, and shows how this trend effects the links between the NDP and labour. Divergent Paths studies each federal election from 1988 to 2006, looking at the interactions between Labour and the NDP during these elections. Elections provide critical junctions to study discourse - party platforms, speeches, and other official documents can be used to examine discourse. Extensive newspaper searches were used to follow campaign events and policy speeches. Studying the party's discourse can be used to determine the ideological orientation of the party itself: the fact that the party's discourse has become neoliberal is a sure sign that the party itself is neoliberal. The NDP continues to drive towards the centre of the political spectrum in an attempt to gain multi-class support. The NDP seems more interested in gaining seats at any cost, rather then promoting the agenda of Labour. As the party attempts to open up to more multi-class support, Labour becomes increasingly marginalised in the party. A rift which arguably started well before the 1988 election was exacerbated during that election; labour encouraged the NDP to campaign solely on the issue of Free Trade, and the NDP did not. The 1993 election saw the rift between the two grow even further as the Federal NDP suffered major blowbacks from the actions of the Ontario NDP. The 1997 and 2000 elections saw the NDP make a deliberate move to the centre of the political spectrum which increasingly marginalised labour. In the 2004 election, Jack Layton made no attempt to move the party back to the left; and in 2006 the link between labour and the NDP was perhaps irreparably damaged when the CAW endorsed the Liberal party in a strategic voting strategy, and the CLC did not endorse the NDP. The NDP is no longer a reliable ally of organized labour. The Canadian labour movement must decide wether the NDP can be 'salvaged' or if the labour movement should end their alliance with the NDP and engage in a new political project.
Resumo:
The notion of citizenship, while a basic human right, has come under scrutiny. It was once assumed a liberal inspired regime of citizenship rights would reign as the primary ideological perspective in the Western world, however this has not been the case. Numerous competing paradigms have questioned the premise upon which liberal guarantees of citizenship rights are based. In particular, communitarianism has subjected liberal rights discourse to a closer examination. Communitarian theory holds that universalist principles negate any articulation of community and its internal diversity, such as cultural citizenship. It is this understanding of citizenship that has taken hold in Canada. The Canadian political experience illustrates a number of attributes associated with communitarian thought. It is a collectivist society that articulates a notion of the common good, acknowledges the internal diversity of its citizens and possesses a highly developed deliberative democratic process. To this end, Canada can be described as being more communitarian than liberal in nature in the process it has adopted to address citizenship rights. However, the type of commuIiitarianism displayed in Canada differs from the political models examined by such scholars as Michael Sandel, Iris Marion Young or Will Kymlicka. Cultural citizenship rights are fluid and malleable in Canada. While no clear guarantees of citizenship rights exist, there is a common commitment by Canadians to engage in a fair, open and inclusive deliberative process. This model is unique to Canada; it cannot be exported in that it is a product of Canadian political culture. As a result, the contemporary demands of cultural citizenship are dealt with effectively and democratically in Canada in that the proper mechanisms for public deliberation exist.
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The purpose of this thesis is to investigate some open problems in the area of combinatorial number theory referred to as zero-sum theory. A zero-sequence in a finite cyclic group G is said to have the basic property if it is equivalent under group automorphism to one which has sum precisely IGI when this sum is viewed as an integer. This thesis investigates two major problems, the first of which is referred to as the basic pair problem. This problem seeks to determine conditions for which every zero-sequence of a given length in a finite abelian group has the basic property. We resolve an open problem regarding basic pairs in cyclic groups by demonstrating that every sequence of length four in Zp has the basic property, and we conjecture on the complete solution of this problem. The second problem is a 1988 conjecture of Kleitman and Lemke, part of which claims that every sequence of length n in Zn has a subsequence with the basic property. If one considers the special case where n is an odd integer we believe this conjecture to hold true. We verify this is the case for all prime integers less than 40, and all odd integers less than 26. In addition, we resolve the Kleitman-Lemke conjecture for general n in the negative. That is, we demonstrate a sequence in any finite abelian group isomorphic to Z2p (for p ~ 11 a prime) containing no subsequence with the basic property. These results, as well as the results found along the way, contribute to many other problems in zero-sum theory.
Resumo:
Davis Chamberlin and Ross McClintock hold a check from J. Robert Fluor II, a donation towards construction of the Hutton Sports Center, Chapman College, Orange, California. The Harold Hutton Sports Center completed in 1978, is named in honor of this former trustee.
Resumo:
Margaret was an only child who grew up on a farm just east of Cayuga, Ontario. After high school, Margaret attended Hamilton Teacher’s College and took a position with Grantham Public School Board and taught at Power Glen school. Margaret was married in 1962 and had 2 children, a daughter and a son in 1963 and 1964, respectively. Margaret left her teaching job to raise her children. Margaret was very creative and artistic and during this time, focused on these talents, which included painting, graphic arts and sewing. Margaret was also an accomplished pianist. In her 40’s, Margaret enrolled at Brock University and in 1989 obtained a Honors Bachelor of Arts degree with First-Class Honors in Sociology. In partial fulfillment of her Honors B.A. she completed her thesis that is entitled ; The State and Liberal Feminism: The Ontario Government’s “Business Ownership For Women Program”. While living in St. Catharines, Margaret attended York University and graduated with a Master of Arts in Sociology in 1992 where her studies focused on women’s issues. Margaret received a scholarship from York University and was a teaching assistant. Margaret stayed on at York University and completed her academic requirements for a Doctorate degree in Sociology. Her dissertation was on self employed women in St. Catharines at the beginning of WWII -- not the” Rosie the Riveters” who took over jobs formerly held by men who had to go off to fight World War II, but women who ran their own businesses when that was still unusual. Margaret completed the research for her thesis but did not complete her written thesis as she made a difficult decision to put her academic work on hold in the mid-1990’s and she returned to her love for the arts, although she always remained a voracious reader and interested in women’s issues. In the last decade of her life, she took up quilting with a passion, which she referred to as fabric arts. Margaret loved colour and being non-traditional. Margaret had been a quilting instructor at the Flemington College for Fine Arts in Haliburton. In 1997, Margaret founded Project Smile in the St. Catharines region, a non-profit group who make quilts for children with cancer. Margaret was also the President of the Niagara Heritage Quilters’ Guild in 2006-2007 and was very involved with the Local Council of Women.