Del Fichero supremo a la Biblioteca de Babel: Salaverría, precursor de Borges

A juzgar por alguna declaración más bien negativa de Borges sobre la literatura española, se podría creer que esta no influyó demasiado en él. Sin embargo, existen indicios de que pudo haberse inspirado también en determinados escritores españoles coetáneos hoy casi olvidados. Uno de ellos pudo ser José María Salaverría, entre cuyos relatos destaca “El fichero supremo” (1926), del que se ha dicho que “anticipa algunas de las preocupaciones características de un tipo de relato que Jorge Luis Borges elevará años después a la máxima categoría estética”. De hecho, recuerda a “La biblioteca de Babel” (1941) borgiana por su planteamiento hasta el punto de que podría pensarse que el maestro argentino pudo tener presente, a la hora de escribir esa obra maestra, ese cuento de Salaverría, el cual se publicó por primera vez en Caras y Caretas, una revista porteña que Borges reconoció “devorar” en su juventud. Sin embargo, el interés mayor de la comparación entre “El fichero supremo” y “La biblioteca de Babel” no radica tanto en el carácter de posible fuente del primero como en el contraste entre sus formas de presentación narrativa: desde fuera y en tercera persona en Salaverría, en un marco realista; y desde dentro y en primera persona, prácticamente sin marco, en Borges. Este parece desarrollar, en el registro propio de la “imaginación razonada” descrito por él mismo, una virtualidad presente en el relato de Salaverría, cuya comparación con “La biblioteca de Babel” puede suscitar también alguna reflexión sobre el enigma de la identidad y el carácter de la voz enunciadora de la biblioteca universal de Babel. Al menos, esta parece haber hecho realidad en cierto modo, de forma sublime, el patético sueño divino del archivero imaginado por Salaverría.

Joaquim Mir y la tienda de juguetes: microhistoria de un retrato

¿Puede un retrato pictórico suscitar un ejercicio de microhistoria? Nuestra investigación tratará de aportar una respuesta positiva a esta cuestión, analizando para ello uno de los pocos retratos del pintor postimpresionista Joaquim Mir Trinxet, fechado en 1926. El protagonista representado no es otro que el suegro del pintor, Antoni Estalella i Trinxet, un insigne personaje de Vilanova y la Geltrú (Barcelona) que vivió entre dos siglos. La obra está ambientada en la tienda de juguetes de la familia, convirtiéndose así en una de las escasas pinturas que han captado el interior de una juguetería en la España anterior a la Guerra Civil. Gracias a los trabajos de archivo realizados, este artículo reúne diversos documentos inéditos que permiten reconstruir no sólo la vida del retratado, que llegó a ser corresponsal de Francisco Pi y Margall, sino también el ambiente social, artístico y comercial de Vilanova, en un período que abarca desde la década de 1870 a la primera mitad del siglo XX, en plena “Edad de Oro” de la industria juguetera. Es esta una propuesta de metodología historiográfica cuyo recorrido comienza en el oficio arcaico de la tonelería para desembocar al fin en los albores del comercio moderno de juguetes.

The practice of book illustration: Three examples by Norah Borges

This article focuses on three different examples of book illustration carried out by Norah Borges in the 1930s and 1940s (Canciones de mar y tierra by Concha Méndez, Platero y yo by Juan Ramón Jiménez, and Paul et Virginie by Bernardin de Saint-Pierre). Its purpose is twofold: to show how illustrations can shape our reading of texts and to examine how the artist's work can be assimilated to a current of neorromanticismo in Spanish letters dating back to the pre-Civil War period. Her work might serve as an illustration of what Ramón Gómez de la Serna termed the cursi bueno, a marginalized reaction to the dehumanization of art that speaks of sentiment, domesticity and, in women's case, of repressed longing.

The After Slavery Website: A New Online Resource for Teaching U. S. Slave Emancipation

Historiographical essay and evaluation of textbooks and web-based resource for teaching slave emancipation. Published to coincide with re-launch of After Slavery website (www.afterslavery.com) in partnership with Lowcountry Digital Library, College of Charleston, SC.

Military Service Pensions for Veterans of the Irish Revolution, 1916–1923

In 1924 the Irish Free State government passed legislation to award pensions to veterans of the Irish revolution and Civil War. This article argues that the motivation for the pensions was the need to placate the national army after a failed mutiny in 1924 and that this explains their unusual nature in being based on service alone rather than disability. It will also explore the problems this created for defining service, examine the extension of eligibility to former republican enemies of the state and women revolutionaries in 1934, and describe the application and assessment procedure.

Explaining Prolonged Silences in Transitional Justice: The Disappeared in Cyprus and Spain

The article examines why some postconflict societies defer the recovery of those who forcibly disappeared as a result of political violence, even after a fully fledged democratic regime is consolidated. The prolonged silences in Cyprus and Spain contradict the experience of other countries such as Bosnia, Guatemala, and South Africa, where truth recovery for disappeared or missing persons was a central element of the transition to peace and democracy. Exhumations of mass graves containing the victims from the two periods of violence in Cyprus (1963–1974) and the Spanish Civil War (1936–1939) was delayed up until the early 2000s. Cyprus and Spain are well suited to explain both prolonged silences in transitional justice and the puzzling decision to become belated truth seekers. The article shows that in negotiated transitions, a subtle elite agreement links the non-instrumental use of the past with the imminent needs for political stability and nascent democratization. As time passes, selective silence becomes an entrenched feature of the political discourse and democratic institutions, acquiring a hegemonic status and prolonging the silencing of violence.

Ireland's Decade of Commemoration: A Round Table

Beginning with last year’s centennial of the passage of the Third Home Rule Bill, Ireland commenced an extraordinary “Decade of Commemorations,” during which the entire island will recall the anniversaries of crucial historic events: the Dublin Lock-out, the Easter Rising, the “Ulster Sacrifice” of the Somme, Partition, and the Irish Civil War, to name a few. The high-profile public history that will be crafted to mark these events is likely to set the received narrative of the events for another century—and, in turn, will enter the interdisciplinary intellectual project of Irish Studies itself. With the special assistance of Dr. Mike Cronin, New Hibernia Review gathered four scholars (two historians, a literary scholar, and a social anthropologist) to discuss the implications, opportunities, and perils of the Decade of Commemorations. They conducted their discussion by e-mail over the summer of 2013.

Truth Recovery and Transitional Justice: Deferring human rights issues

This book investigates why some societies defer the solution of transitional justice issues, such as the disappeared/missing, even after successful democratic consolidation. It also explains why the same societies finally decide to deal with these human rights issues. In short, it considers the interesting and understudied phenomenon of post-transitional justice. The prolonged silences in Spain, Cyprus and Greece contradict the experience of other countries -- such as South Africa, Bosnia, and Guatemala -- where truth recovery for disappeared/missing persons was a central element of the transition to peace and democracy. Despite democratization, the exhumation of mass graves containing the victims from the violence in Cyprus (1963-1974) and the Spanish civil war (1936-1939) was delayed until the early 2000s, when both countries suddenly decided to revisit the past. Cyprus and Spain are not alone: this is an increasing trend among countries trying to come to terms with past violence. Interestingly, despite similar background conditions, Greece is resisting the trend, challenging both theory and regional experience. Truth Recovery and Transitional Justice considers three interrelated issues. First, what factors can explain prolonged silence on the issue of missing persons in some transitional settings? Second, which processes can address the occasional yet puzzling transformation of victims’ groups from opponents of truth recovery to vocal pro-reconciliation pressure groups? Third, under which conditions is it better to tie victims’ rights to an overall political settlement? The book looks at Spain and Cyprus to show how they have attempted to bring closure to deep trauma by exhuming and identifying their missing, albeit under considerably different conditions. It then probes the generalizability of the conclusions on Spain and Cyprus by looking at the Greek experience; oddly, despite similar background conditions, Greece remains resistant to post-transitional justice norms. Interestingly, each case study takes a different approach to transitional justice.

Financial reintegration assistance for veterans of the Irish revolution (1916-23): post-conflict policy in an historical setting

In the aftermath of the Irish revolution and Civil War the governments of independent Ireland introduced various compensation schemes to provide financial reintegration assistance to revolutionary veterans. This would be recognised today as part of a programme for DDR. This paper will examine various service and disability pensions paid to veterans in the context of literature on post-conflict reintegration. It will examine various challenges to reintegration in an effort to analyse the success of revolutionary compensation as a post-conflict reintegration mechanism in independent Ireland after 1922.

Catholicism and Fascism in Interwar Ireland

The interwar era saw the collapse of liberal democracy and the rise of anti-democratic authoritarian movements and states throughout much of Europe. Parliamentary or liberal democracy proved especially vulnerable in countries with large Catholic populations and ‘successor states’ – those states that achieved independence following the Great War. Despite meeting both criteria, the democratic structures of the Irish Free State – established in 1922 following a revolutionary struggle against British rule – proved remarkably resilient: indeed, it was arguably the only successor state to remain fully democratic by 1939 This outcome appears all the more striking given the formation of the state amidst a civil war, a form of conflict that frequently prevented the successful emergence of democracy. This is an article about the dog that didn’t bark: why did the kind of authoritarian political movements that flourished in many other parts of interwar Europe attract negligible support in the Irish Free State, and what does this have to tell us about the relationship between Catholicism and authoritarian politics? It begins by surveying the Irish Catholic Church’s attitudes to far-right politics in Continental Europe, and assessing how ‘official’ Catholic attitudes shaped popular perceptions of fascism and clerical authoritarianism within Ireland. It then explores the extent to which Ireland’s only significant fascistic movement – the Blueshirts – was influenced by, and sought to exploit, Catholicism. It concludes by questioning whether the immense influence of the Catholic Church and Catholic values within Irish political culture and society facilitated or hindered the cause of authoritarian politics in Ireland.

Contested urbanism: Access and control issues in Tundikhel, Kathmandu

Contested Open Spaces?: Access and control issues in Tundikhel, Kathmandu

Public spaces play a role of political, economic and cultural transformation of cities and the impact of these transformations on the nature of public space.

Urban open space(s) in Kathmandu have been an important part of the city’s urbanism. Historically they have played an important role in the city as spaces for religious, cultural, social and political and military activities during the 300 years of unified monarchy. Throughout the civil war period (Maoist insurgency between 1996 and 2006) they became material locations for political activities, and a site for protests and dharnas. In post-conflict Kathmandu, especially since the abolition of Monarchy in May 28, 2008, these spaces are increasingly seen being claimed by street hawkers, informal sellers and individuals reflecting a new set of users and functions, whereas a significant part of Tundikhel still remains under the military occupation posing important questions around access, identity and control of an important space.


Public spaces are broadly defined as crossroads where different paths and trajectories meet, sometimes overlapping and other times colliding (Madanipour, 2003). Using Tudikhel in Kathmandu, this research examines the increasing collision and contestations witnessed through social, political and neoliberal interactions. It explores how spaces are constantly
contested, negotiated and as a result reshaped through these interactions. It is observed that multiple forces are at play to gain control and access of this important open space, leading to increasing fragmentation of the space, and erosion of its historic significance both as cultural venue and a symbol of democracy in modern Nepal. It is argued that increasing disconnection of Tudikhel from wider urban setting has contributed to exacerbation of these contestations

What’s behind Russia’s military build-up in Syria?

It seems unlikely that Moscow can hope for an outright victory in Syria’s civil war, so some kind of political compromise with the moderate opposition is in the offing. This, however, is at best a long shot given the hostility to Assad in the West and the intensity of the conflict in Syria.

Instead, the immediate priority seems to be to ensure a survival of the Syrian state and military institutions in the areas it can control, what one Russian observer called an “Alawite Israel” – a strip of land from the Mediterranean coast to Damascus, able to at least contain IS with some external support.

The Kremlin has consistently prioritised stability over revolutionary change and sovereign rights over humanitarian intervention. In fact, from the Russian point of view, the Western interventionist agenda of democratisation, which ignored local conditions, has made the situation in the Middle East worse – from Iraq to Libya and Syria.