660 resultados para Bureaucratic itineraries


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The Action Plan on visas adopted during the recent EU-Ukraine summit is a success for Ukraine. It is the first time that Kyiv has succeeded in obtaining a definition of the conditions and criteria whose fulfilment will enable Ukraine to apply for the lifting of EU visas for its citizens. Ukraine's strong point has been its political will; the lifting of this visa regime has been a priority for all Ukrainian governments since 2005. Since Viktor Yanukovych became president, Ukraine has adopted or prepared key legal acts that brought it nearer to European standards in the area of border and migration management. One of Kyiv's strengths is also its relatively well reformed and efficiently managed border service. Moreover, illegal transit migration via Ukraine is decreasing, and fewer Ukrainians are trying to enter or stay in the EU illegally. Also, Kyiv has efficiently implemented the EU-Ukraine readmission agreement. The hardest task for Ukraine will be to meet the EU’s expectations concerning values, the condition of Ukrainian democracy, and the rule of law. Corruption remains the main barrier to Ukraine's development and modernisation; the courts are weak and the judicial system inefficient. The main undertaking of the new migration service that is being formed at the moment will be to create a civil system of registration, monitoring and regulating the stays of foreign nationals. This may prove difficult, as the supervisory authority (the Ministry of the Interior) remains an unreformed, police-type bureaucratic institution. Ukraine is lagging behind countries such as Russia, Belarus and Moldova when it comes to the introduction of biometric documents. Another problem is the lack of an electronic information system on foreign nationals, visas and border crossings which would be accessible to all the relevant services and institutions. For these reasons, the complete abolition of visas seems to be a longterm perspective, especially considering that many EU countries, which themselves are faced with the problem of migrants’ integration, are rather sceptical about the further liberalisation of movement of people with their eastern neighbours. In the immediate future, if Ukraine meets some of the requirements set by the EU, it will be able to seek the extension of the visa facilitations that have been in operation since 2008.

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In 2011 the European Union began a process aimed at reforming its policy on the Eastern and Southern Neighbourhood. The change in circumstances in neighbouring countries following the Arab Spring, along with the lack of significant progress regarding Eastern Europe’s integration with the EU, formed the main driving force behind this process. The prime objective of the changes to the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP) was the need to introduce new incentives for partner countries to modernise and integrate more closely with the EU Another aim was to increase the flexibility of EU instruments (by adapting them to the specific context of each partner state). One year later, on 15 May 2012, the European Commission and the EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy published the European Neighbourhood Policy Package which reported on the progress made in the implementation of the ENP over the preceding year and set out the aims and Action Plans for 20131. An analysis of the outcomes of changes made to the EU policy towards Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus suggests that the aim of the revision was aimed more at addressing the changing political landscape in the region rather than at the implementation of a substantial reform of the neighbourhood policy. The ENP is largely based on bureaucratic procedures (the negotiation of bilateral agreements, the implementation of support programmes). These have only a limited capacity to bring about lasting change in the region, as has been exemplified by the deterioration of democratic standards in a number of countries; this was highlighted in EU’s own reports. This problem is particularly clear in the case of Ukraine; until recently it was seen as the leader of European integration but is now raising much concern due to a deterioration in the state of democracy there. EU instruments have a limited influence on the situation in Eastern Partnership countries and the region’s significance on the EU’s agenda is falling (the priority is now given to counteracting the economic crisis, and prominence in the neighbourhood policy has been given to the Southern Mediterranean). In response to this EU policy on Eastern Europe will focus to a larger extent on technical and sectoral cooperation.

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Summary. The ongoing review of the EU’s Crisis Management Procedures warrants attention. What passes as an update of an arcane and technical document masks a profoundly political debate concerning what the Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) should be about. This policy brief summarises the main proposals and formulates a set of critical reflections. It calls for replacing the bureaucratic scheming with a more forthright political debate, and warns against sacrificing incompatible organisational cultures on the altar of the comprehensive approach. At a time when European security and prosperity trends are increasingly pointing downwards, the EEAS and the member states must look to the future and embrace, rather than resist, change.

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After four rounds of the European Semester process of EU economic coordination, Belgium has done relatively little to comply with EU recommendations. This brief substantiates and confirms this claim after clarifying the meaning of these recommendations. While the challenges underlined by the European Commission still lie ahead, Belgium’s ownership of the recommendations for reforms has been low. Not only do coordination processes remain bureaucratic and technocratic, but many of the recommendations’ concerns – external competitiveness, social security reforms, market reforms – are not traditionally defended by the political left in Belgium. The controversy surrounding the recommendations for national structural reforms owes much to their supply-side orientation, which contrasts with the inability of the EU to pursue demand-side policies. But despite this disequilibrium, the recommendations highlight relevant issues that ought to be addressed, and indicate where scope for national debate exists.

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This paper explores the incentives political and bureaucratic actors face in the institutional setting of EU technology policy. In examining the implications and assumptions of neoclassical and evolutionary theories of technological change, it tries to answer why certain theories do not obtain importance in the political wor1d. By focusing on the positive approach to policymaking, the paper examines why policy learning does not occur m certain institutional settings. In referring to EU technology programs, I show which conceptual and functional shortcomings limit the policies in question. As evaluation and oversight mechanisms have not been sufficiently developed and accepted within the institutional setting, there is much room for inefficiency. I discuss this setting within a simple agency model using two political actors and two firms performing R&D. It is easy to show that when asymmetric information applies, the firms receive positive rents and the political agent gains reputation. The outcome suggests changing the evaluation practices and embedding results in political decision making. Regarding this point, recent U.S. developments seem to have led to more efficiency. Moreover, the paper suggests delegating technology policy to other actors and discussing the empowerment of different principals on the political plane.

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The drop in Ukraine’s GDP by nearly 18% in the first three months of 2015 (versus the corresponding period in 2014) has confirmed the decline of the country’s economy. Over the last 14 months, the Ukrainian currency was subject to an almost threefold devaluation against the US dollar, and in April 2015 the inflation rate was 61% (year-on-year), which exacerbated the impoverishment of the general public and weakened domestic demand. The main reason behind the crisis has been the destruction of heavy industry and infrastructure in the war-torn Donbas region, over which Kyiv no longer has control, as well as a sharp decline in foreign trade (by 24% in 2014 and by 34% in the first quarter of 2015), recorded primarily in trading volume with Ukraine’s major trade partner, i.e. Russia (a drop of 43%). The conflict has also had a negative impact on the production figures for the two key sectors of the Ukrainian economy: agriculture and metallurgy, which account for approximately 50% of Ukrainian exports. The government’s response to the crisis has primarily been a reduction in the costs of financing the Donbas and an increase in the financial burden placed on the citizens and companies of Ukraine. No radical reforms which would encompass the entire system, including anti-corruption reforms, have been carried out to stop the embezzlement of state funds and to facilitate business activity. The reasons for not initiating reforms have included the lack of will to launch them, Ukraine’s traditionally slow pace of bureaucratic action and growing dissonance among the parties making up the parliamentary coalition. The few positive changes, including marketisation of energy prices and sustaining budgetary discipline (in the first quarter of 2015, budgetary revenues grew by 25%, though partly as a result of currency devaluation), are being carried out under pressure from the International Monetary Fund, which is making the payment of further loan instalments to the tune of US$ 17.5 billion conditional upon reforms. Despite assistance granted by Western institutional donors and by individual states, the risk of Ukraine going bankrupt remains real. The issue of restructuring foreign debt worth US$ 15 billion has not been resolved, as foreign creditors who hold Ukrainian bonds have not consented to any partial cancellation of the debt. Whether Ukraine’s public finances can be stabilised will depend mainly on the situation in the east of the country and on the possible renewal of military action. It seems that the only way to rescue Ukraine’s public finances from deteriorating further is to continue to ‘freeze’ the conflict, to gradually implement wide-ranging reforms and to reach a consensus in negotiations with lenders.

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India is an emerging player on the global stage, thanks to its growing economy and its strategic role in Asia as a balancing power. The EU cannot therefore ignore the rise of India, especially given its own aspirations to become an effective global actor – a status it has so far not managed to attain. The author of this CEPS Policy Brief argues that the EU and India need to nurture their relations, to move beyond the economic and bureaucratic limitations that currently characterise these relations and to work towards a reconciliation of different priorities that would be of benefit to both partners.

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Enquadramento:A formação continuada é entendida como a formação recebida por for-mandos já profissionalizados e com uma vida ativa, tendo como base a adaptação contínua para a mudança de conhecimentos, técnicas e condições de trabalho, melhorando as quali-ficações profissionais e, por conseguinte, a sua promoção profissional e social. Objetivos: O objetivo geral foi avaliar o impacto do programa de formação continuada, oferecido pela Secretaria Municipal de Educação de Maceió-AL aos professores de educa-ção física, no período de 2005 a 2011. Os objetivos específicos foram:caracterizar o perfil do grupo pesquisado, compreender os itinerários formativos e identificar os principais fato-res profissionais e sociais na formação realizada. Métodos: Realizamos um estudo transversal descritivo de natureza quantitativa, com a seleção dos participantes elaborada com base no rol das unidades escolares que atendem a educação básica. A amostra final foi de 48 professores licenciados e concursados na área de educação física, por amostragem baseada em agrupamento e com aplicação de questio-nários de perguntas fechadas e abertas para coleta de dados, revelando: qual a modalidade de formação preferida, a participação do professor no programa de formação, principais motivações para participação, principais efeitos alcançados e qual a satisfação na formação realizada. Resultados: Entre as modalidades de formação analisadas a preferida foi a ‘oficina’com uma percentagem de 42,35%, seguida pelo ‘círculos de estudo’ com 24,71%. Os motivos referidos como muito importante pelos professores para a participação na formação foram os ‘emancipatórios’ com 66,67% e logo após motivos ‘pedagógicos’em 54,17%. Os três principais aspectos positivos na formação, mencionados pelos participantes foram a quali-dade do formador (16,60%), partilhar experiências (15,35%) e conviver/recordar colegas (14,11%). Quanto aos aspectos negativos indicados apontam duração da formação (22,58%), horário da formação (20,43%) e local da formação (15,05%). O grau de satisfa-ção quanto as dimensões exploradas (instrução, gestão/organização, clima relacional e dis-ciplina) na formação os professores encontram-se satisfeitos variando entre 43,75% e 66,67% para os diferentes itens das dimensões. Conclusão: Considerações finais apontam a frequência maior do género feminino, os pro-fessores com experiência profissional de 15 a 29 anos de atuação no magistério, e vincula-ção expressiva com outra instituição de ensino. Quanto aos itinerários formativos elegeram a modalidade formativa oficina como a preferida; quanto aos aspectos positivos valoriza-ram a qualidade do formador e negativo a duração da formação. Principalmente nas dimensões de instrução e gestão/organização da prática docente. A formação continuada da SEMED contribuiu satisfatoriamente para a prática educativa dos professores de educação física ao longo deste período. Palavras-chave: Formação continuada, educação física, professor.

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A study of the Beat-era writers in a global context. This title was made Open Access by libraries from around the world through Knowledge Unlatched.

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From the library of Conte Antonio Cavagna Sangiuliani di Gualdana.

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Includes bibliographies: A bibliography of John Evelyn, by H. B. Wheatley: v.1, 77-90 -- Incunabula Virgiliana, comp. by W. A. Copinger: v.2, p.[123]-226. A list of books and papers on printers and printing, under the countries and towns to which they refer. Comp. by T. B. Reed: v.3, p.[81]-152 -- List of manuscripts and examples of metal and ivory bindings from the Bibliotheca Lindesiana: v.4. p.[213]-232 -- Bibliography of printing in Sicily, by R. S. Faber: v.5, p.209-211 -- A bibliography of the writings of Christopher Smart, with biographical references. By G. J. Gray: v.6, p.[269]-303 -- List of lace books, by E. F. Strange: v.7, p.219-246 -- Handlist of books in the library of the Bibliographical society: v.8, li p -- A bibliography of the Thoughts of Marcus Aurelius Antoninus, by J. W. Legg: v.10, p.[15]-81 -- The bibliography of Petronius, by S. Gaselee, with a Short-title handlist: v.10, p.[141]-233 -- A list of bibliographical books published since 1893. Comp. by R. A. Peddie: v.10, p.[235]-311 -- Richard Schilders and the English Puritans, by J. D. Wilson: v.11, p.[65]-134 -- The Schotts of Strassburg and their press, by S. H. Scott: v.11, p.[165]-188 -- Notes on English books printed abroad, 1525-48, by R. Steele: v.11, p.[189]-236 -- The romance of Amadis of Gaul, by H. Thomas: v.11, p.[251]-297 -- Notes on the bibliography of Pope, by G. A. Aitken: v.12, p.[113]-143 -- Road-books and itineraries bibliographically considered, by Sir H. G. Fordham: v.13, p.[29]-68 -- The Palmerin romances, by H. Thomas: v.13, p.[97]-144 -- Books on accountancy, 1494-1600, by C. Gordon: v.13, p.[145]-170 -- An agreement for bringing out the second Quignon breviary. Ed. by J.W. Legg: v. 13, p. [323]-348 -- Notes on the bibliography of Matthew Prior, by G. A. Aitken: v.14, p.[39]-68 -- The City printers [with partial list of titles of City official literature] by C. Welch: v.14, p.[175]-241.

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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Thesis (Master's)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06

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Thesis (Ph.D.)--University of Washington, 2016-06